Xobchyk

Xobchyk
Xobchyk
File:Xobchyk.jpg
Pronunciation	['çɤ.bʱɨk]
Created by	–
Setting	North Xinjiang
Native to	Xinjiang
Native speakers	~1.2 million (2018)
Language family	Altaic? Xobchykan? Proto-Xobchyk Old Xobchyk Xobchyk

Xobchyk (pronounced ['çɤ.bʱɨk]) is a linguistic isolate spoken by approximately 1.2 million people in the secluded valleys of the Altun Mountains in Northwest China, near the borders of Kazakhstan and Mongolia. Despite its geographical proximity to Turkic and Mongolic languages, Xobchyk exhibits no genetic affiliation with them, making it a unique subject of linguistic study. The language has been preserved through centuries of relative isolation, and it remains a vital part of the cultural identity of the Xobchyk people.

Xobchyk employs the Cyrillic script for its written form, a legacy of historical interactions with neighboring regions. To facilitate communication with non-native speakers and for use in international contexts, a standardized romanization system is also utilized. This dual-script approach ensures both the preservation of traditional writing practices and accessibility for a global audience.

Linguistically, Xobchyk is distinguished by its direct-inverse alignment system, in which the direction of action between participants is marked based on a person hierarchy rather than traditional subject-object roles. It also features obligatory mirativity marking, requiring speakers to indicate whether information is expected or surprising. Additionally, Xobchyk employs non-concatenative morphology in its verb system, using internal vowel alternations and reduplication rather than affix stacking. The language's complex evidential system, along with its rare split-predicate constructions, makes it a fascinating case for typologists and syntacticians alike.

Historical Development of Xobchyk

Xobchyk is the sole known member of the Xobchykan language family, a hypothesized microfamily of uncertain origin. It is spoken exclusively in the Xinjiang Autonomous Region of Northwest China. The language has no confirmed genetic links to any other regional language families—such as Sino-Tibetan, Turkic, or Mongolic—making it a prime example of a linguistic isolate. Glottochronological estimates suggest that the ancestral form of Xobchyk diverged from any possibly related speech forms over 7,000 years ago, with recognizable Proto-Xobchyk features already in place by 3000 BCE. Oral histories and archaeological evidence tie the spread of the language to ancient trans-Eurasian trade routes that once passed through the Altun Mountains.

Linguistic reconstruction, aided by early ritual inscriptions and comparative internal reconstruction, suggests several major phonological and grammatical shifts from Proto-Xobchyk to the modern language:

• The alignment system underwent a dramatic reorganization: Proto-Xobchyk likely exhibited a tripartite alignment, but this collapsed into the direct-inverse system observed today. This was driven in part by person hierarchy marking and animacy distinctions, which began to govern verb agreement and argument structure around the 8th century CE.

• The original dual number was lost, merging with plural forms. Vestiges of the dual survive in a few fossilized pronouns and conjugations.

• Proto-Xobchyk had an extensive series of uvularized vowels. These merged with plain vowels except in monosyllabic roots, where tone split replaced the original contrast.

• A massive vowel chain shift around the 5th century CE led to the collapse of rounded front vowels, contributing to the rise of central vowels such as /ɤ/ and /ɨ/.
• Complex consonant clusters were resolved through a combination of vowel epenthesis and consonant assimilation. For instance, /ʃrk/ became /ʂɨk/.
• The verbal template, originally suffix-based, was reorganized into a mixed infix and phoneme changing structure. This change allowed incorporation of evidential and mirative markers directly into the verb complex.
• A prosodic reanalysis in the early second millennium CE triggered the development of lexical tone, possibly under the influence of areal contact with Gansu-Qinghai languages. Tone now carries grammatical functions such as aspect and modality.
• Oblique case marking, originally marked by postpositions, became fused into enclitic forms that now attach to both nouns and incorporated verbs.
• An innovative inverse-person-marking particle, ge- in Proto-Xobchyk, evolved into the modern direct-inverse prefix g- or k- depending on vowel harmony.
• Finally, sound changes such as */tɬ/ > /x/, */gʷ/ > /ɢ/, and a shift from pharyngeal fricatives to ejectives in emphatic forms shaped the phonological identity of contemporary Xobchyk.

Phonology

The speech of the Xobchyk people resounds with clicks and tones like whispers in a cave, carrying echoes of a time immemorial. Its sounds are chiseled from the wind of the Altun Mountains—guttural, tight-lipped, but musical in rhythm. A student of languages might find a trace of something Caucasian, something Yeniseian, or perhaps something no longer found in this world.

Albert Ohlsson, Fragments from Xobchyk, 1932

Consonants

All dialects of Xobchyk distinguish the following consonantal phonemes, though phonetic realization can vary regionally. The standard variety includes uvulars and pharyngeals, which are typologically rare in East Asia.

	Labial	Alveolar	Palatal	Velar	Uvular	Pharyngeal	Glottal
Nasal	м /m/	н /n/		нь /ɲ/
Plosive	п /p/	т /t/	ц /c/	к /k/	қ /q/		ʼ /ʔ/
Voiced Plosive	б /b/	д /d/		г /g/	ӄ /ɢ/
Ejective	пʼ /pʼ/	тʼ /tʼ/	цʼ /cʼ/	кʼ /kʼ/	қʼ /qʼ/
Fricative	ф /f/	с /s/	хь /ç/	х /x/	ӽ /χ/	ʕ /ʕ/	һ /h/
Retroflex Fricative		ш /ʂ/
Approximant	в /w/		й /j/
Flap		р /ɾ/

Vowels

	Front	Central	Back
High	и /i/	ы /ɨ/	у /u/
Mid	е /e/	ë /ɤ/	о /o/
Low	ӓ /æ/	а /a/	ɑ̄ /ɑ/

Diphthongs

Xobchyk allows the following diphthongs, which can occur in both native and loan words:

Diphthong	IPA
ай	/aj/
эй	/ej/
уй	/uj/
оу	/ou/
ау	/au/
əы	/əɨ/
ëй	/ɤj/

These diphthongs combine front vowels with central or back vowels and exhibit the characteristic sound shifts of the language.

Phonotactics

The phonotactic structure of Xobchyk allows for complex consonant clusters and a wide range of syllable types, including CV, CVC, CCV, and even CCCVC in certain native and adapted words. Syllables typically begin with a consonant, and vowels are never syllabic on their own. The language permits both onset and coda clusters, with a preference for rising sonority within clusters.

Word-initial consonant clusters are generally limited to two consonants, usually following a sonority hierarchy. The most common combinations involve a stop followed by a fricative (e.g., /ts/, /kf/), or a nasal followed by a plosive (e.g., /nt/, /mb/). Onsets with ejectives tend to appear singly, though sequences like /t’r/ and /k’v/ are attested in fast or emphatic speech.

Coda clusters are more restricted and often contain combinations of nasals, stops, and laterals. Sequences like /nt/, /rk/, and /mg/ occur frequently. However, triple codas are avoided, and loanwords with such clusters are typically adapted with epenthetic vowels or simplified consonants.

The language strongly avoids sequences of identical consonants, except in expressive or onomatopoeic forms. For example, words like "шшар" /ʂʂɑr/ ("to hiss") exist but are rare and stylistically marked. Assimilation across syllables is minimal, preserving clarity in clusters.

Vowel sequences are generally disallowed unless forming diphthongs. Xobchyk's permitted diphthongs (such as /aj/, /ej/, /ou/, /ɤj/) follow strict rising or falling sonority contours. Diphthongs tend to occur word-medially or word-finally, but rarely word-initially unless following a glottal stop.

Stress plays a role in phonotactics as well. Stressed syllables are more permissive in terms of complexity, allowing heavier codas and less frequent diphthongs. Unstressed syllables are typically lighter and more open, favoring CV or CVV structures.

Xobchyk features vowel harmony based on ATR and rounding distinctions, which influences morpheme structure and phonotactic acceptability. Affixes harmonize with the root vowel, and vowel mismatches are only tolerated in compound formations or recent loanwords.

Glottal and pharyngeal consonants tend to resist clustering, and when they do occur adjacent to other consonants, they are often separated by a transitional schwa or are reanalyzed phonemically. For example, underlying /ʕt/ may surface as [ʕət].

Finally, syllable-final obstruents are fully voiced or devoiced according to their environment. Voiced obstruents like /g/ and /d/ may devoice at the end of an utterance or phrase, while voiceless consonants may assimilate voicing in connected speech. This dynamic phonotactic behavior contributes to Xobchyk’s fluid, rhythmic sound.

Vowel Harmony

Xobchyk follows ATR (Advanced Tongue Root) vowel harmony, which dictates that vowels within a word must harmonize in terms of their backness and/or roundedness.

Front vs. Back Vowels: If a word contains a front vowel (like и /i/, е /e/, or ӓ /æ/), the other vowels in the word must also be front vowels. If a word contains a back vowel (like у /u/, о /o/, ӭ /ɤ/), the other vowels in the word must also be back vowels. Rounding: Rounded vowels (like у /u/ and о /o/) often co-occur within a word, while unrounded vowels (like и /i/ and е /e/) will not typically mix with rounded vowels in a given word. Neutral Vowels: ӭ /ɤ/ and ы /ɨ/ serve as neutral vowels in Xobchyk, as they can appear alongside both front and back vowels. However, their presence does not trigger vowel harmony in a word. Here’s a description for word examples with vowel harmony and diphthongs:

• Front Harmony:
  • All vowels in a word are front if the first vowel is front.
  • Example: "бай" /baj/ ("joy")
• Back Harmony:
  • All vowels in a word are back if the first vowel is back.
  • Example: "кол" /kol/ ("stone")
• Neutral Vowels:
  • Neutral vowels like ë /ɤ/ can appear in words with either front or back vowels.
  • Example: "ëй" /ɤj/ ("new")

This structure ensures that the vowels in a word harmonize in terms of their frontness/backness and rounding, while the presence of neutral vowels (like ë /ɤ/) allows for flexibility within words.

Vocabulary

The vocabulary of Xobchyk reflects its geographic and cultural position as a transitional language between Inner Asia and the Sinitic world. Native Xobchyk roots tend to be monosyllabic or disyllabic and exhibit agglutinative derivation. Core vocabulary—terms for body parts, natural elements, and basic actions—is inherited from an unknown substrate, shared with neighboring isolate languages.

Loanwords form a significant portion of the lexicon, particularly in urban and literary registers. Borrowings from Classical Mongolic entered the language during the Khalkha dominance in the 14th century, especially in the domains of governance, military, and horsemanship. Later periods of influence introduced hundreds of Sinitic terms via trade and scholarship, which were often nativized phonologically and morphologically to conform to Xobchyk roots.

Due to extensive contact with Tungusic-speaking reindeer herders to the north, many pastoral and spiritual concepts in Xobchyk use Tungusic stems. For instance, the words taan (shaman) and juğ (soul/spirit) trace directly to Evenki roots. These words often retain vowel harmony rules despite their origin, indicating deep integration into the native lexicon.

Kinship and social structure terminology is conservative and remains among the oldest strata of the language. Terms like ağa (older brother), eche (mother), and dada (father) show internal derivational consistency and are used in both everyday and honorific contexts. Vocabulary for status and clan relationships is rich and nuanced, often marked morphologically rather than lexically.

The numerals in Xobchyk display a blend of native and borrowed systems. Numbers one to five (tik, ni, ğur, dör, ban) are native, while numbers from six onward show borrowing from Mongolic and Old Chinese sources, such as lyuk (six) and chin (seven). This hybrid system suggests centuries of contact and linguistic layering.

Some linguists have proposed that Xobchyk may represent a divergent branch of the Altaic macrofamily, citing structural and phonological similarities with Turkic, Mongolic, and Tungusic languages.

The presence of vowel harmony, agglutinative morphology, and a lack of grammatical gender are often pointed out as evidence supporting this connection. Additionally, the existence of root-final consonants that alternate with voiced stops in derivation (tik → tigi-) echoes Altaic-like morphophonemic behavior.

Shared vocabulary with Mongolic and Tungusic—particularly in kinship terms and pastoral vocabulary—further suggests prolonged contact or common ancestry.

However, the Altaic hypothesis remains highly controversial, and many researchers argue that the similarities between Xobchyk and other Altaic languages may result from areal convergence rather than genetic inheritance.

Xobchyk’s unique phoneme inventory, including uvulars and pharyngeals, is typologically uncommon in Altaic languages and may reflect influence from unrelated neighboring isolates or substratal influence from extinct pre-Altaic tongues.

Moreover, a significant portion of Xobchyk core vocabulary lacks clear cognates in Turkic or Mongolic, raising the possibility that it represents either a distant offshoot or an independent isolate that has undergone heavy areal influence.

Morphology

Verbs Linguistically, Xobchyk is distinguished by its direct-inverse alignment system, in which the direction of action between participants is marked based on a person hierarchy rather than traditional subject-object roles. The person hierarchy typically follows the order: 1st person > 2nd person > 3rd person animate > 3rd person inanimate. Thus, if a lower-ranked participant acts upon a higher-ranked one, the verb is marked with an inverse prefix.

• For example:
  • mejtal – I see him (direct)
  • imtal – He sees me (inverse)

Another striking feature is the presence of obligatory mirativity marking. Verbs must indicate whether the speaker considers the information to be expected or surprising.

• Mirativity is marked through vowel alternation within the root:
  • dur – arrive (expected)
  • dor – arrive (unexpectedly)

This vowel shift also interacts with tense and aspect morphology, often yielding tripartite contrasts:

• • dur – arrives (as expected)
  • dor – has arrived unexpectedly
  • daur – will arrive, surprisingly

Xobchyk employs a robust system of non-concatenative morphology, including root-internal vowel shifts and reduplication. Rather than stacking affixes linearly, verb stems undergo internal changes to express voice, mood, evidentiality, and aspect.

• Reduplication typically marks iterative or habitual action:
  • lal – to call
  • lalal – to call repeatedly or habitually

The evidential system in Xobchyk is unusually elaborate, marking whether the speaker knows the information firsthand, inferred it, heard it from someone else, or considers it mythic/legendary.

• These categories are marked via suprasegmental tone or suffixal vowel coloring:
  • keté – he ate (I saw it)
  • ketè – he ate (I was told)
  • kēté – he ate (inferred)
  • katá – he ate (legendary)

Lastly, Xobchyk features split-predicate constructions, where the verb stem is separated into multiple components distributed across a clause. These constructions are especially common in expressions of motion, emotion, and obligation, and they often combine analytic particles with stem fragments to signal complex aspectual or modal distinctions.

Here a complete conjugation of the verb tal (to see):

Tense	Aspect	Mood	Voice	Form
Present	Perfective	Indicative	Direct	tal
				Inverse	imtal
		Subjunctive	Direct	tèl
				Inverse	imtèl
	Imperative	Direct	talí
			Inverse	imtál
	Evidential	Direct	talé
			Inverse	imtalé
	Imperfective	Indicative	Direct	tala
				Inverse	imtala
		Subjunctive	Direct	tèlà
				Inverse	imtèlà
Imperative	Direct	talá
		Inverse	imtála
Evidential	Direct	tale
		Inverse	imtale
Habitual	Indicative	Direct	talin
			Inverse	imtalin
	Subjunctive	Direct	tèlìn
			Inverse	imtèlìn
Imperative	Direct	talín
		Inverse	imtálìn
Evidential	Direct	talén
		Inverse	imtalén
Past	Indicative	Direct	talgun
			Inverse	imtalgun
	Subjunctive	Direct	tèlgun
			Inverse	imtèlgun
Imperative	Direct	talguní
		Inverse	imtálgun
Evidential	Direct	talguné
		Inverse	imtalguné
Future	Indicative	Direct	talva
			Inverse	imtalva
	Subjunctive	Direct	tèlva
			Inverse	imtèlva
Imperative	Direct	talvá
		Inverse	imtálva
Evidential	Direct	talvé
		Inverse	imtalvé
Future Perfective	Indicative	Direct	talvi
			Inverse	imtalvi
	Subjunctive	Direct	tèlvi
			Inverse	imtèlvi
Imperative	Direct	talví
		Inverse	imtálví
Evidential	Direct	talvéi
		Inverse	imtalvéi
Continuous	Indicative	Direct	talan
			Inverse	imtalan
	Subjunctive	Direct	tèlàn
			Inverse	imtèlàn
Imperative	Direct	talaní
		Inverse	imtalaní
Evidential	Direct	talen
		Inverse	imtalen
Continuous Perfective	Indicative	Direct	talanvi
			Inverse	imtalanvi
	Subjunctive	Direct	tèlanvi
			Inverse	imtèlanvi
Imperative	Direct	talanví
		Inverse	imtalanví
Evidential	Direct	talenvi
		Inverse	imtalenvi

Noun

Xobchyk nouns follow a regular declension pattern, with no noun classes. The affixes used for different cases are consistent across all nouns. The primary cases in Xobchyk are nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, ablative, locative, and instrumental. The plural form is created by adding a suffix, and vowel alternations are sometimes used for the genitive and dative forms.

Example Noun: nalta ("tree")

Case	Singular	Plural
**Nominative**	*nalta*	*naltá*
**Genitive**	*naltá*	*naltí*
**Dative**	*naltáyi*	*naltái*
**Accusative**	*naltá*	*naltí*
**Ablative**	*naltáni*	*naltáni*
**Locative**	*naltáyi*	*naltái*
**Instrumental**	*naltáyi*	*naltáyi*

Questions

Basic Question Formation

In Xobchyk, questions are generally formed by altering the intonation of the sentence or by using question particles. The basic structure of a question is similar to that of a declarative sentence, with the addition of a question word or a rising intonation pattern at the end of the phrase. This means that a yes/no question can simply be derived from a statement by raising the pitch at the end.

For example:

Nalta kumyi. (The tree is tall.) Nalta kumyi? (Is the tree tall?) Yes/No Questions

Yes/no questions in Xobchyk typically use the question particle 'ka at the end of a statement. This particle signals that the sentence is a question, inviting a response in the form of either "yes" or "no."

For example:

Sukyi kumyi ka? (Is the sky blue?) Móka tamari ka? (Do you have food?) The typical response to such questions is the repetition of the verb with a "yes" or "no" prefix. For example:

Fa, kumyi. (Yes, it is blue.) Ume, kumyi nê. (No, it is not blue.) Wh-Questions

Wh-questions in Xobchyk are formed by placing a question word at the beginning of the sentence. These words correspond to the standard wh-words in English, such as "who," "what," "where," "when," "why," and "how."

The question words in Xobchyk are as follows:

'nó – What 'jé – Who 'lak – Where 'tok – When 'ra – Why 'mé – How For example:

Nó kumyi? (What is blue?) Lak kumyi? (Where is it blue?) Question Word Order

When using wh-questions in Xobchyk, the question word typically comes at the beginning of the sentence. The subject, verb, and other elements follow the question word, without altering their usual order.

For example:

Nó nalta ki? (What is the tree doing?) Jé kumyi? (Who is blue?) In more complex sentences, the question word is still placed at the start, and the structure follows a normal subject-verb-object (SVO) order, with no inversion of the subject and verb.

Subject-Object Questions

In Xobchyk, when asking questions involving the subject or object, the question word appears in place of the subject or object. For example, when asking "who" as the subject, the sentence will begin with the question word, and the rest of the sentence follows naturally.

For example:

Jé ti tamari? (Who has food?) Nó nalta kumyi? (What is the tree doing?) In subject-object questions, there is no need for inversion; the word order remains SVO, and the question word takes the position of the subject or object.

Negative Questions

Negative questions in Xobchyk are formed by adding the negation particle nê before the verb, along with the usual rising intonation or question particle ka. This structure can imply surprise or uncertainty, as the speaker is asking for confirmation of something negative.

For example:

Nalta kumyi nê ka? (Isn't the tree tall?) Móka tamari nê ka? (Don't you have food?) Negative questions often have a tone of disbelief or a subtle challenge, where the speaker expects the answer to be negative but is uncertain.

Tag Questions

Tag questions are also commonly used in Xobchyk, which consist of a declarative sentence followed by a short question tag at the end. The tag word generally reflects the subject of the sentence and is used to seek confirmation or clarification.

The most common tag word in Xobchyk is "ka", which acts similarly to "right?" or "isn't it?" in English.

For example:

Sukyi kumyi, ka? (The sky is blue, isn't it?) Nalta kumyi, ka? (The tree is tall, right?) The tag question often follows the pattern of the sentence's intonation, either rising or falling, depending on the context.

Embedded Questions

Embedded questions in Xobchyk, where a question is nested within another sentence, follow a structure similar to indirect questions in English. The question word is still present at the beginning of the embedded clause, and the sentence is usually introduced by a verb of asking, knowing, or inquiring.

For example:

Móka jé kumyi? (Do you know who is blue?) Nó kumyi ki? (What is the tree doing?) The structure remains the same, with the embedded question acting as a noun clause within the main sentence.

Prepositions

General Overview

Prepositions in Xobchyk are used to express relationships between nouns and other elements within a sentence. These relationships include spatial, temporal, and abstract concepts. Unlike some languages that use postpositions or case markers, Xobchyk employs prepositions before the noun or noun phrase they govern. Prepositions in Xobchyk do not change form based on case or number of the noun they modify, but the noun may be declined according to the grammatical context.

For example:

nalta' kumi (on the tree) kiri' sukya (under the sky) Spatial Prepositions

Xobchyk has a rich set of spatial prepositions to indicate location, direction, and movement. These prepositions describe relative positions of objects in both static and dynamic contexts. Some of the most common spatial prepositions include:

'kumi – on, upon 'kiri – under, beneath 'toya – inside 'hni – outside 'luka – between 'rova – near 'laika – above 'rini – behind 'malka – in front of For example:

Nalti' kumi. (The tree is on the ground.) Móka kiri' sukya. (The food is under the sky.) Rini' nalta. (The tree is behind.) Temporal Prepositions

Temporal prepositions in Xobchyk are used to indicate time relationships, such as duration, specific time points, and frequency. These prepositions often work alongside the verb tenses to mark when an action occurs. The following temporal prepositions are frequently used:

'toma – before 'sani – after 'lika – during 'tokha – until 'rova – at (for time) 'maiya – always For example:

Toma' kumyi. (Before blue.) Sani' tamari. (After eating.) Rova' nala. (At night.) Tokha' kumyi. (Until blue.) Abstract Prepositions

Xobchyk also has abstract prepositions that express relationships of possession, purpose, and manner. These prepositions are used to describe non-physical connections between things, often reflecting the role of an action or the nature of a relationship.

Some common abstract prepositions include:

'mikri – for (purpose) 'luwa – with 'kaari – by (means of) 'panti – about 'hoka – without For example:

Móka mikri' tamari. (I have food for eating.) Rini' hoka' sukya. (Without the sky, it's dark.) Luwa' nala' kumi. (With the tree on the ground.) Prepositions of Direction

Prepositions of direction are used to describe movement towards a particular place or location. These prepositions often pair with verbs of motion, as they express the endpoint of the action.

Some of the most common direction-related prepositions are:

'suva – to, towards 'lakta – from 'rona – into, toward 'shiro – away from For example:

Suva' nala. (Towards the tree.) Lakta' rova. (From here.) Rona' sukya. (Into the sky.) Shiro' nala. (Away from the tree.) Prepositional Phrases

In Xobchyk, prepositional phrases often consist of the preposition followed by a noun or noun phrase. The noun within a prepositional phrase may be declined depending on the role it plays in the sentence, although the preposition itself does not inflect. Prepositional phrases can serve as modifiers to the verb, subject, or object.

For example:

Toma' kumyi' nalta. (Before the blue tree.) Sani' tamari' nala. (After eating the tree.) Rova' nala' kumyi. (At the blue tree.) Luwa' nala' kumi. (With the tree on the ground.) Idiomatic Use of Prepositions

As in many languages, Xobchyk has a number of idiomatic expressions involving prepositions, where the meaning cannot be directly deduced from the individual preposition and noun. These idioms often reflect cultural or linguistic quirks that require memorization.

For example:

Rini' nala, suva' kumyi. (Behind the tree, to the ground.) Meaning: A difficult or impossible task (impossible to do something). Kiri' tamari, rini' nala. (Under eating, behind the tree.) Meaning: To be in a situation where one is overwhelmed or unable to act due to circumstances. Prepositional Usage in Complex Sentences

In more complex sentences, prepositions can appear in subordinate clauses to indicate relationships between actions or states. This is particularly true in relative clauses or clauses expressing cause and effect. For example, the preposition 'toya (inside) can introduce a relative clause that specifies the location of an action.

For example:

Nó toya' kumyi nalta, ki ra' nalta. (What is inside the blue tree, that the tree is doing?) Translation: What is inside the blue tree, the action of the tree is happening?

Syntax

Word Order

Xobchyk follows a Subject-Object-Verb (SOV) word order, which is typical of many languages in the Altaic family. This means that the subject (S) typically precedes the object (O), and the verb (V) comes at the end of the sentence. However, the language also allows for some flexibility, as the word order can be altered for emphasis or stylistic reasons, without changing the core meaning of the sentence.

Example:

Nalti kumi rova. Sukya tama nala. In sentences where the subject or object is emphasized, it can be placed at the beginning or middle of the sentence. The verb generally stays at the end, regardless of this rearrangement.

Example:

Kumi nala rova nalti.

Conjunctions

Xobchyk uses conjunctions to link clauses, phrases, and words. These conjunctions can be coordinating (for equal elements) or subordinating (for dependent clauses). The most common coordinating conjunctions include:

ka – and ni – or mo – but rai – because i – so (resultative) Coordinating Conjunctions

Nalti kumi rova, kirin nala hni. Sukya tamari nala, ni malka nala rini. Subordinating Conjunctions

Rini nala rai hoka nala rova. Malka nala i tamari nala.

Independent and Relative Clauses

Xobchyk distinguishes between independent clauses (which can stand alone as sentences) and relative clauses (which provide additional information about a noun in the main clause). Relative clauses are typically placed after the noun they modify, and the relative pronoun can be omitted if it’s understood from context.

Independent Clauses

Independent clauses in Xobchyk follow the SOV order and do not require a subordinating conjunction to be understood. They are simple statements or questions.

Example:

Sukya tamari nala. Nalta kumi rova. Relative Clauses

Relative clauses in Xobchyk are formed by using relative pronouns such as ka ("who" or "which") to introduce them. These clauses function as modifiers for the noun in the main clause. The relative clause generally follows the noun it modifies, and the relative pronoun is often omitted.

Example:

Nalti kumi rova ka sukya tamari nala. Rini nala ka suka nala hni. Embedded Clauses and Subordination

Relative clauses can sometimes be embedded within other clauses to provide further information or clarification. These clauses still maintain their SOV word order, even within a larger sentence structure. In Xobchyk, this is common in complex sentences where information is nested.

Example:

Nalti kumi rova ka sukya tamari nala, hoka nalta kumi sukya hni. Rini nala ka kumi tamari nala, rini hoka nala kumyi.

Sample Text

One of the poems from Agale Cui, one of the biggest poets ever. Possibly the most famous 100% Xobchyk descendant. This untitled poem is from 1871.

Sample Text in Xobchyk:

Nalti kumil rovin, tamari nalat sukya. Hoka rovin nalti kumil nalat, kirin nalat rovin. Rai rinil nalat, hni rovin nalti tamari nalat. Sukya kumil tamari rovin ka nalat, sukya nalat hni.

Translation:

The man sees the woman, and the woman sees the child. The child sees the man, and the man sees the woman. The dog is running in the street, and the woman is walking to the house. The child sees the bird near the window, and the dog sees the woman.