Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition: Difference between revisions
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==Demographics== | ==Demographics== | ||
As the largest and most populated country on Calémere, the Chlouvānem Inquisition has a considerable amount of ethnic and linguistic diversity in it. However, there is a homogenous "supra-culture", provided by the Yunyalīlti religion and by its liturgical language, Chlouvānem, used as a lingua franca, which attenuates - if not, in some cases, nullifies - the practical implications of this enormous diversity. | As the largest and most populated country on Calémere, the Chlouvānem Inquisition has a considerable amount of ethnic and linguistic diversity in it, to the point that anthropologists usually prefer to assume the existence not of a single Chlouvānem people but of various Chlouvānem ''peoples''. However, there is a homogenous "supra-culture", provided by the Yunyalīlti religion and by its liturgical language, Chlouvānem, used as a lingua franca, which attenuates - if not, in some cases, nullifies - the practical implications of this enormous diversity. | ||
'''Chlouvānem''' is a Lahob language with a long history which originated in its current form in the eastern part of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra-Lāmberah Plain and the Jade Coast (roughly between the lower Nīmbaṇḍhāra river to the north and Lake Lūlunīkam to the south). With a written history of more than 2000 years, it is the liturgical language of the Yunyalīlta and, due to this importance, has remained the main language used in administration, inter-cultural trade, and arts, for two millennia, in the ever-expanding Yunyalīlti world. It is a central element of self-definition of Chlouvānem people. | '''Chlouvānem''' is a Lahob language with a long history which originated in its current form in the eastern part of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra-Lāmberah Plain and the Jade Coast (roughly between the lower Nīmbaṇḍhāra river to the north and Lake Lūlunīkam to the south). With a written history of more than 2000 years, it is the liturgical language of the Yunyalīlta and, due to this importance, has remained the main language used in administration, inter-cultural trade, and arts, for two millennia, in the ever-expanding Yunyalīlti world. It is a central element of self-definition of Chlouvānem people. | ||
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Since the early-mid 5th millennium, the Chlouvānem people have been spreading their religion and influence across most of the continent of Márusúturon, outside the original homeland on the Jade Coast. Patterns of Chlouvānem settlement have varied depending on the area - but the Chlouvānem people's predisposition to exogamy has been an important factor in shaping the history of this part of the world: almost everyone in the Inquisition has at least one mixed-blood ancestor, and - even today - the definition of "ethnic group" as for Western (Calémerian and Earthly) standards is extremely challenged by the situation - and self-definition - among Chlouvānem people. | Since the early-mid 5th millennium, the Chlouvānem people have been spreading their religion and influence across most of the continent of Márusúturon, outside the original homeland on the Jade Coast. Patterns of Chlouvānem settlement have varied depending on the area - but the Chlouvānem people's predisposition to exogamy has been an important factor in shaping the history of this part of the world: almost everyone in the Inquisition has at least one mixed-blood ancestor, and - even today - the definition of "ethnic group" as for Western (Calémerian and Earthly) standards is extremely challenged by the situation - and self-definition - among Chlouvānem people. | ||
The Chlouvānem concept of '' | The Chlouvānem concept of ''lailnekā'', roughly translated as "ethnicity", is the only indicator used in the Chlouvānemosphere for ethnicities and nationalities; in many cases, language is not the defining factor. Officially, ''lailyāvikai'' are some groups that are defined as such mostly because of historical conditions - they include social groups that were at the edge of society in the pre-modern era; ethnicities that were semi-independent in respect to the centralmost areas; nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples<ref>Nomadism and semi-nomadism has virtually disappeared since the Kaiṣamā period. After the latter's fall, some traditionally nomadic peoples - especially Soenjŏ - in other countries have gone back to nomadism, but in the Inquisition this phenomenon has not happened.</ref>; ethnicities with a distinct, not fully Chlouvānemized culture well into the contemporary era; and foreigners. All other people are simply considered Chlouvānem as far as ethnicity is concerned, more as a catch-all category rather than a distinct ethnicity; the Yunyalīlta as religion and the use of Chlouvānem as a lingua franca is nearly universal among all ethnicities today, and it has been such for more than a century now.<br/> | ||
Today, 13 non-Chlouvānem '' | Today, 13 non-Chlouvānem ''lailnekai'' are titulars of an ''ethnic diocese'', a diocese considered "homeland" of that particular ethnic group and where members of that ethnic group have certain privileges. Except for Bazá people in Tūnambasā diocese, however, all of these ethnicities are rather small minorities in their own ethnic dioceses. | ||
The Chlouvānem Inquisition recognizes 949 ethnicities (excluding Chlouvānem and "foreign" ethnicities<ref>Foreign ethnicities are those considered native of foreign countries, excluding the Bazá and the Čathísǫ̃́g due to them having ethnic dioceses inside the Inquisition; Ogotet' people are also considered not-foreign due to their historical presence in Chlouvānem lands.</ref>) as native inside its borders; despite this large number, they only amount to 10.5% of the Inquisition's total population (about 154.3 million people): their percentage is highest in the dioceses of the Southern rainforest, which are however thinly populated (for example, 95% of the inhabitants of Kīkañjātia are divided into 22 non-Chlouvānem ethnicities, but in actual numbers it's about 72,000 people). These "ethnicities" are also sometimes just descendants of particular castes, not otherwise culturally separated from other Chlouvānem, and many of them just number in the tens of thousands of people or less.<br/>The actual largest non-Chlouvānem ethnicity is Bronic people (''bronai'' in Chl.; they also include people of Fathanic origin), 1.3% of the total population of the Inquisition (about 19.1 million people) - a figure also explained by one of the historically main Bronic lands being a Chlouvānem diocese ( | The Chlouvānem Inquisition recognizes 949 ethnicities (excluding Chlouvānem and "foreign" ethnicities<ref>Foreign ethnicities are those considered native of foreign countries, excluding the Bazá and the Čathísǫ̃́g due to them having ethnic dioceses inside the Inquisition; Ogotet' people are also considered not-foreign due to their historical presence in Chlouvānem lands.</ref>) as native inside its borders; despite this large number, they only amount to 10.5% of the Inquisition's total population (about 154.3 million people): their percentage is highest in the dioceses of the Southern rainforest, which are however thinly populated (for example, 95% of the inhabitants of Kīkañjātia are divided into 22 non-Chlouvānem ethnicities, but in actual numbers it's about 72,000 people). These "ethnicities" are also sometimes just descendants of particular castes, not otherwise culturally separated from other Chlouvānem, and many of them just number in the tens of thousands of people or less.<br/>The actual largest non-Chlouvānem ethnicity is Bronic people (''bronai'' in Chl.; they also include people of Fathanic origin), 1.3% of the total population of the Inquisition (about 19.1 million people) - a figure also explained by one of the historically main Bronic lands being a Chlouvānem diocese (Hivampaida) and by the large internal migration during the Kaiṣamā (Fathan has also been a diocese of the Inquisition for a large part of that period). | ||
In popular usage, Chlouvānem people are those who: | In popular usage, Chlouvānem people are those who: | ||