Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition: Difference between revisions

Lili21 (talk | contribs)
mNo edit summary
Lili21 (talk | contribs)
mNo edit summary
Line 2: Line 2:
|+ <big>'''The Chlouvānem Inquisition'''</big>
|+ <big>'''The Chlouvānem Inquisition'''</big>
! scope="row" | Native name
! scope="row" | Native name
| Chlouvānumi murkadhānāvīyi bhælā
| chlǣvānumi murkadhānāvīyi bhælā
|-
|-
! scope="row" | Capital<br/>(and largest city)
! scope="row" | Capital<br/>(and largest city)
Line 8: Line 8:
|-
|-
! scope="row" | Ethnic groups
! scope="row" | Ethnic groups
| Chlouvānem 83,1%<br/>Kŭyŭgwažŭb <small>(''Kuyugvaṣai'')</small> 3,8%<br/>Bronic <small>(incl. Fathanic) (''Bronai'')</small> 3,3%<br/>suKalurilut <small>(''Kalurilutai'')</small> 2,0%<br/>Soenyubi <small>(''Saʔeniai'')</small> 1,7%<br/>Skyrdegan <small>(''Ṣkurdauryai'')</small> 1,1%<br/>Džemlešwi <small>(''Jelešvyai'')</small> 0,8%<br/>Yalašmak <small>(''Yalaṣmākhai'')</small> 0,4%<br/>Lenyop <small>(''Leñeyai'')</small> 0,2%<br/>indigenous minorities 2,2%<br/>others 1,4%
| Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānem'') 83,1%<br/>Kŭyŭgwažŭb <small>(''Kuyugvaṣai'')</small> 3,8%<br/>Bronic <small>(incl. Fathanic) (''Bronai'')</small> 3,3%<br/>suKalurilut <small>(''Kalurilutai'')</small> 2,0%<br/>Soenyubi <small>(''Saʔeniai'')</small> 1,7%<br/>Skyrdegan <small>(''Ṣkurdauryai'')</small> 1,1%<br/>Džemlešwi <small>(''Jelešvyai'')</small> 0,8%<br/>Yalašmak <small>(''Yalaṣmākhai'')</small> 0,4%<br/>Lenyop <small>(''Leñeyai'')</small> 0,2%<br/>indigenous minorities 2,2%<br/>others 1,4%
|-
|-
! scope="row" | Religion
! scope="row" | Religion
Line 20: Line 20:
|-
|-
! scope="row" | Demonym
! scope="row" | Demonym
| Chlouvānem
| Chlouvānem; <small>[[Chlouvānem|Chl.]]:</small> chlǣvānem
|-
|-
! scope="row" | Area
! scope="row" | Area
Line 35: Line 35:
|-
|-
| <div style="text-align: center">Great Inquisitor</div>
| <div style="text-align: center">Great Inquisitor</div>
| Hæliyoušāvi Dhīvajhūyai ''Lairė''
| Hæliyǣšāvi Dhīvajhūyai ''Lairė''
|-
|-
| <div style="text-align: center">Baptist</div>
| <div style="text-align: center">Baptist</div>
Line 65: Line 65:
In Chlouvānem, there is thus no distinction between the Inquisition as a country and as a political organization, being both called ''murkadhānāvi''. The country is however also often referred to as:
In Chlouvānem, there is thus no distinction between the Inquisition as a country and as a political organization, being both called ''murkadhānāvi''. The country is however also often referred to as:
* ''murkadhānāvīyi bhælā'' “Land of the Inquisition”;
* ''murkadhānāvīyi bhælā'' “Land of the Inquisition”;
* ''chlouvānumi bhælā'' "Chlouvānem land";
* ''chlǣvānumi bhælā'' "Chlouvānem land";
* ''chlouvānumi murkadhānāvīyi bhælā'' - the designation in official documents, "Land of the Chlouvānem Inquisition".
* ''chlǣvānumi murkadhānāvīyi bhælā'' - the designation in official documents, "Land of the Chlouvānem Inquisition".


In other Calemerian languages, there often is a distinction between the country (usually called Chlouvānem land) and the Inquisition. For example, in [[Skyrdagor]] the Chlouvānem people are called ''Snovanem'' and their country is ''Snovanemszikt'', but the Inquisition as a political body is often called ''Murkadanavi''. In [[Cerian]], Chlouvānem people are called ''Imúnigúronen'' (from the [[Íscégon]] phrase ''in mutenen ingúron'' "Eastern invaders", a term applied to many other peoples in Western history but revitalized in the Early Modern Age and applied to the Chlouvānem - the easternmost hostile people they knew about) and their country is ''Imúnigúroná'', but the Inquisition is either ''šo Murocadána'' or ''šen sévíson Imúnigúronen'' (literally Chlouvānem Church). Notably, Cerian dialects spoken in the Inquisition do not make this distinction, using ''šo Murocadána'' for both; it is to be noted, however, that all Cerian speakers of the Inquisition are bilingual in Chlouvānem and it's increasingly more common to simply use the Chlouvānem terms.
In other Calemerian languages, there often is a distinction between the country (usually called Chlouvānem land) and the Inquisition. For example, in [[Skyrdagor]] the Chlouvānem people are called ''Snevanem'' and their country is ''Snevanemszikt'', but the Inquisition as a political body is often called ''Murkadanavi''. In [[Cerian]], Chlouvānem people are called ''Imúnigúronen'' (from the [[Íscégon]] phrase ''in mutenen ingúron'' "Eastern invaders", a term applied to many other peoples in Western history but revitalized in the Early Modern Age and applied to the Chlouvānem - the easternmost hostile people they knew about) and their country is ''Imúnigúroná'', but the Inquisition is either ''šo Murocadána'' or ''šen sévíson Imúnigúronen'' (literally Chlouvānem Church). Notably, Cerian dialects spoken in the Inquisition do not make this distinction, using ''šo Murocadána'' for both; it is to be noted, however, that all Cerian speakers of the Inquisition are bilingual in Chlouvānem and it's increasingly more common to simply use the Chlouvānem terms.


==Chlouvānem ethnicity==
==Chlouvānem ethnicity==
Line 215: Line 215:
* 3 in the Southern Far East (Kotaijātia, Tendukijātia, and Niyobajātia);
* 3 in the Southern Far East (Kotaijātia, Tendukijātia, and Niyobajātia);
* 1 in the East (Nalakhoñjātia);
* 1 in the East (Nalakhoñjātia);
* 4 in the North (Halyanijātia, Koudavīma, Seikamvėyeh, and Dahelijātia);
* 4 in the North (Halyanijātia, Kodavīma, Seikamvėyeh, and Dahelijātia);
* 1 in the West (Tūnambasā);
* 1 in the West (Tūnambasā);
* 1 in the Near West (Kūliambārih);
* 1 in the Near West (Kūliambārih);
Line 271: Line 271:


The situation in Greater Skyrdagor, however, remained critical and, coupled with the revolts of people in the native Chlouvānem lands, ultimately led to the Inquisitorial Conclave putting into accuse Great Inquisitor Nāɂahilūma on 2 īlāmyasena, and, contrary to all expectations, Baptist Daulidėmā voted the same two days later. In the early morning hours of 4E 2Ɛ, 5 īlāmyasena, Great Inquisitor Kælahīmāvi Nāɂahilūma ''Martayinām'' was arrested and deposed from her role, effectively putting an end to her reign after 21 years. This was ultimately a landmark decision, as Great Inquisitor Nāɂahilūma's reign proved to be the last truly despotic one in Chlouvānem history, granting almost no individual freedoms and emphasizing a cult of personality where the Great Inquisitor was hailed as the newest coming of the Chlamiṣvatrā. Great Inquisitor Nāɂahilūma's abuses of power were also strongly condemned since then, and there has been to date no other so explicit call for holy war.<br/>
The situation in Greater Skyrdagor, however, remained critical and, coupled with the revolts of people in the native Chlouvānem lands, ultimately led to the Inquisitorial Conclave putting into accuse Great Inquisitor Nāɂahilūma on 2 īlāmyasena, and, contrary to all expectations, Baptist Daulidėmā voted the same two days later. In the early morning hours of 4E 2Ɛ, 5 īlāmyasena, Great Inquisitor Kælahīmāvi Nāɂahilūma ''Martayinām'' was arrested and deposed from her role, effectively putting an end to her reign after 21 years. This was ultimately a landmark decision, as Great Inquisitor Nāɂahilūma's reign proved to be the last truly despotic one in Chlouvānem history, granting almost no individual freedoms and emphasizing a cult of personality where the Great Inquisitor was hailed as the newest coming of the Chlamiṣvatrā. Great Inquisitor Nāɂahilūma's abuses of power were also strongly condemned since then, and there has been to date no other so explicit call for holy war.<br/>
After the fall of the Great Inquisitor, on 1Ɛ īlāmyasena Amabuyāvi Maʔikembītā ''Læhimausa'' was elected as her successor; Kælahīmāvi Nāɂahilūma ''Martayinām'' was later, after the end of all war situations, condemned by a tribunal with new Great Inquisitor Maʔikembītā as the highest judge; to extreme surprise, she was spared of capital punishment and, after two years of prison, ended up living in her native Līlta as a nanny until her death in 4E 41. To the surprise of many, she didn't get a state funeral, becoming the first (and so far only) non-executed former Great Inquisitor to be refused one. She is however still held in high esteem by most Chlouvānem and, among many tributes, in 4E 91 Great Inquisitor Kailemūrṣāvi Julaṃhārka ''Mæmihomah'' personally ordered the constuction of a statue in her honour, today standing at the center of the square in front of the central station of Līlasuṃghāṇa.
After the fall of the Great Inquisitor, on 1Ɛ īlāmyasena Amabuyāvi Maɂikembītā ''Læhimausa'' was elected as her successor; Kælahīmāvi Nāɂahilūma ''Martayinām'' was later, after the end of all war situations, condemned by a tribunal with new Great Inquisitor Maɂikembītā as the highest judge; to extreme surprise, she was spared of capital punishment and, after two years of prison, ended up living in her native Līlta as a nanny until her death in 4E 41. To the surprise of many, she didn't get a state funeral, becoming the first (and so far only) non-executed former Great Inquisitor to be refused one. She is however still held in high esteem by most Chlouvānem and, among many tributes, in 4E 91 Great Inquisitor Kailemūrṣāvi Julaṃhārka ''Mæmihomah'' personally ordered the constuction of a statue in her honour, today standing at the center of the square in front of the central station of Līlasuṃghāṇa.


===Union of the Purified States (Kaiṣamā) (4E 30 - 4E 73)===
===Union of the Purified States (Kaiṣamā) (4E 30 - 4E 73)===
Line 324: Line 324:


====The Table of Offices====
====The Table of Offices====
The Table of Offices (''flušamaili eṇāh'') is the closest thing in the Inquisition to a government. It is composed by a High Prefect (''lallaflušamelīs'') nominated by the Great Inquisitor and a variable number of Prefects (''flušamelīs'', pl. ''flušamelīye'') - some chosen by the Great Inquisitor and some by the High Prefect - who lead the various Offices (''flušamila'', pl. ''flušameliė''), bodies acting like ministries.
The Table of Offices (''flušamaili eṇāh'') is the closest thing in the Inquisition to a government. It is composed by a High Prefect (''lallaflušamelīs'') nominated by the Great Inquisitor and a variable number of Prefects (''flušamelīs'', pl. ''flušamelais'') - some chosen by the Great Inquisitor and some by the High Prefect - who lead the various Offices (''flušamila'', pl. ''flušameliė''), bodies acting like ministries.


The Offices administer every branch of the Inquisition, thus including both the public administration of the Chlouvānem Inquisition and the Yunyalīlti clergy in the whole of Calémere. Generally, the Offices with a more religious and international theme, as the Office of Liturgy (''brauslaijyī flušamila'' - which administers the Inquisitorial Tribunals (judicial organs), by collecting and publishing the most important and canonical interpretations of the Sacred Books), or the Office of Clergy (''līltanorīnumi flušamila'' - which trains and offers sustainment to non-monastic clergy members), all have Prefects chosen by the Great Inquisitor, while those that only impact the Inquisition as a country, as the Office of Agriculture (''chlæcāmiti flušamila''), have Prefects chosen by the High Prefect.
The Offices administer every branch of the Inquisition, thus including both the public administration of the Chlouvānem Inquisition and the Yunyalīlti clergy in the whole of Calémere. Generally, the Offices with a more religious and international theme, as the Office of Liturgy (''brauslaijyī flušamila'' - which administers the Inquisitorial Tribunals (judicial organs), by collecting and publishing the most important and canonical interpretations of the Sacred Books), or the Office of Clergy (''līltanorīnumi flušamila'' - which trains and offers sustainment to non-monastic clergy members), all have Prefects chosen by the Great Inquisitor, while those that only impact the Inquisition as a country, as the Office of Agriculture (''chlæcāmiti flušamila''), have Prefects chosen by the High Prefect.
Line 407: Line 407:
Road transport in the Inquisition is carried by a well-developed road network that extends for most of the country. The basic Chlouvānem term for road is ''ūnima'', which is in practical denomination however mostly limited to streets in urban areas (urban streets are usually only named in the oldest parts of mid- and large-sized cities, while most areas simply have block-based addresses). Interurban roads are administratively of five basic (country-wide) types:
Road transport in the Inquisition is carried by a well-developed road network that extends for most of the country. The basic Chlouvānem term for road is ''ūnima'', which is in practical denomination however mostly limited to streets in urban areas (urban streets are usually only named in the oldest parts of mid- and large-sized cities, while most areas simply have block-based addresses). Interurban roads are administratively of five basic (country-wide) types:
* Expressways, or ''camyūnimai'' (sg. ''camyūnima''). These are often the most important roads in the country, large controlled-access highways that link the largest urban areas. All expressways are, by definition, toll roads (except for a few short "expressway links" (''camyūniṃtandårbhe'', sg. ''-dårbhas'' that link the main access portals of expressways to other routes or urban roads).
* Expressways, or ''camyūnimai'' (sg. ''camyūnima''). These are often the most important roads in the country, large controlled-access highways that link the largest urban areas. All expressways are, by definition, toll roads (except for a few short "expressway links" (''camyūniṃtandårbhe'', sg. ''-dårbhas'' that link the main access portals of expressways to other routes or urban roads).
* The ''dourai'' (sg. ''dourah''), translatable as "(national) routes" or "national highways", which are roads of national importance that either support expressways or are present in areas where there are no expressways. Unlike expressways, national routes do not have a standard type and a good number of them are built to expressway standards (and are thus controlled-access highways); the main distinction is that these are free; notably, orbital motorways of major cities and urban freeways are all controlled-access roads but free and thus classified as ''dourai''. Only a few ''dourai'' are toll roads, and only in a few segments like major bridges or tunnels.
* The ''dorai'' (sg. ''dorah''), translatable as "(national) routes" or "national highways", which are roads of national importance that either support expressways or are present in areas where there are no expressways. Unlike expressways, national routes do not have a standard type and a good number of them are built to expressway standards (and are thus controlled-access highways); the main distinction is that these are free; notably, orbital motorways of major cities and urban freeways are all controlled-access roads but free and thus classified as ''dourai''. Only a few ''dourai'' are toll roads, and only in a few segments like major bridges or tunnels.
* The ''juṃšañāñi ūnima(i)''/''dourah(-ai)''/''līlta(i)'' (literally "diocesan road(s)/route(s)/path(s)"), trunk roads of diocese-wide importance. The actual term of the three used depends on the diocese.
* The ''juṃšañāñi ūnima(i)''/''dorah(-ai)''/''līlta(i)'' (literally "diocesan road(s)/route(s)/path(s)"), trunk roads of diocese-wide importance. The actual term of the three used depends on the diocese.
* The ''lalki<ref>Or ''hālgāri'' (district -), ''jāndaci'' (county -), ''bamabi'' (kingdom -), ''būlīṃhaki'' (flag -), or ''tamekī'' (assembly -) depending on the actual name of the circuit-level subdivision.</ref> ūnima(i)''/''dourah(-ai)''/''līlta(i)'' ("circuit road(s)/route(s)/path(s)") are roads of circuitary importance, linking the main urban areas of a circuit. In the Nukahucė islands and in the Kāyīchah islands, where the circuit-level subdivisions are coterminous with a single island, these kind of roads are the most important there and are called ''lanāyi ūnima(i)'' (island road(s)).
* The ''lalki<ref>Or ''hālgāri'' (district -), ''jāndaci'' (county -), ''bamabi'' (kingdom -), ''būlīṃhaki'' (flag -), or ''tamekī'' (assembly -) depending on the actual name of the circuit-level subdivision.</ref> ūnima(i)''/''dorah(-ai)''/''līlta(i)'' ("circuit road(s)/route(s)/path(s)") are roads of circuitary importance, linking the main urban areas of a circuit. In the Nukahucė islands and in the Kāyīchah islands, where the circuit-level subdivisions are coterminous with a single island, these kind of roads are the most important there and are called ''lanāyi ūnima(i)'' (island road(s)).
* The local roads, which are managed by a municipality-level subdivision (cities, parishes, or villages), in some cases by an inter-parish territory, or, for unincorporated territories, by the local circuit. Their names vary a lot, but usually roads inside urban areas are ''ūnimai'', while those outside urban areas are still called ''dourai''. The name ''līltai'' is often used for paths inside parks, unpaved roads, and some narrow roads inside city centers.
* The local roads, which are managed by a municipality-level subdivision (cities, parishes, or villages), in some cases by an inter-parish territory, or, for unincorporated territories, by the local circuit. Their names vary a lot, but usually roads inside urban areas are ''ūnimai'', while those outside urban areas are still called ''dourai''. The name ''līltai'' is often used for paths inside parks, unpaved roads, and some narrow roads inside city centers.
These five basic types of roads, no matter where and their denomination, are consistently identified by the colours used on their directional signage: ''camyūnimai'' have white text on green background; (national) ''dourai'' have red text on white background; diocesan roads have black text on yellow background; circuit roads have white text on blue background; and local roads have black text on white background. Temporary deviations have white text on black background; in addition, signals with white text on brown background indicate direction to parks or monuments; black text on pink is used on signals directing to health facilities; black text on light blue is used for directions to railway stations, airports, or ship or bus terminals.<br/>
These five basic types of roads, no matter where and their denomination, are consistently identified by the colours used on their directional signage: ''camyūnimai'' have white text on green background; (national) ''dourai'' have red text on white background; diocesan roads have black text on yellow background; circuit roads have white text on blue background; and local roads have black text on white background. Temporary deviations have white text on black background; in addition, signals with white text on brown background indicate direction to parks or monuments; black text on pink is used on signals directing to health facilities; black text on light blue is used for directions to railway stations, airports, or ship or bus terminals.<br/>
Line 462: Line 462:
School years take place entirely inside a single calendar year - the exact start and end dates vary depending on the diocese, but generally school years begin between the 12th and the 24th day of Māltapārṇāvi (the first month of the year, the first of autumn) and end at the beginning of Bhaivyāvammi (eleventh month), a few days before both the summer solstice and the Bhaivyāvāṣara, the most important celebration in the Yunyalīlti/Chlouvānem calendar. Non-higher-education final exams usually take place during the following month, Īlāmyasena, while repair exams take place during Camimæchliė, the fourteenth and last month of the year.
School years take place entirely inside a single calendar year - the exact start and end dates vary depending on the diocese, but generally school years begin between the 12th and the 24th day of Māltapārṇāvi (the first month of the year, the first of autumn) and end at the beginning of Bhaivyāvammi (eleventh month), a few days before both the summer solstice and the Bhaivyāvāṣara, the most important celebration in the Yunyalīlti/Chlouvānem calendar. Non-higher-education final exams usually take place during the following month, Īlāmyasena, while repair exams take place during Camimæchliė, the fourteenth and last month of the year.


Chlouvānem schools, today, are not gender-segregated, but (except for primary schools, and in a few areas also basic schools) this was not the case in the past. Until the late Third Era, seminaries were only open to girls, and in most dioceses this continued to be the case even after (during the Nāʔahilūmi years even some dioceses that had allowed boys into seminaries went back); it is only since the society-wide gender equality laws of 4E 48 <small>(56<sub>10</sub>)</small> that gender segregation in basic schools was ended and boys were allowed nationwide into seminaries; however, many dioceses kept gender segregation in secondary schools for decades. Tumidajātia, the last diocese to end gender segregation, only did this in 4E 98 (116<sub>10</sub>), 17 years ago.
Chlouvānem schools, today, are not gender-segregated, but (except for primary schools, and in a few areas also basic schools) this was not the case in the past. Until the late Third Era, seminaries were only open to girls, and in most dioceses this continued to be the case even after (during the Nāɂahilūmi years even some dioceses that had allowed boys into seminaries went back); it is only since the society-wide gender equality laws of 4E 48 <small>(56<sub>10</sub>)</small> that gender segregation in basic schools was ended and boys were allowed nationwide into seminaries; however, many dioceses kept gender segregation in secondary schools for decades. Tumidajātia, the last diocese to end gender segregation, only did this in 4E 98 (116<sub>10</sub>), 17 years ago.


Every school in the Inquisition by law requires pupils to wear a school uniform, called ''(tarlāmahi) leilausya'' (pl. ''leilausyai''). Obviously, as all clothing, these vary according to the region due to the wildly different climates, but they're usually of modest white- or light blue-dyed, or even undyed fabric everywhere; the typical mark that differentiates different schools is a small piece of cloth called ''kitalilvan'' (literally "house belt") that pupils tie to their left forearm; each school has its own motif or simply its name written on it. In most cases (as the majority of the population lives in year-round hot and often wet climate areas), the choices are the ''glaʔa'' (a large shirt-like cloth covering the legs, tied at the waist) and ''dhūbas'' (neckless shirt, often without sleeves, coming down up to the legs) typically aimed at boys, and the ''maghātam'' (a pair of baggy trousers) with ''pajlāka'' (a loose long shirt, often simply a large piece of cloth with spaces for the head and arms) typically aimed at girls (the choices are however not gender-dependent (many schools, in fact, give ''maghātam'' and ''pajlāka'' to everyone, or a ''pajlāka'' instead of a ''dhūbas'' for boys too), as usually the parents and pupils decide together what to take — the important thing is that no other kind of outer clothing is allowed). As in most buildings, street shoes must be changed at the entrance; everyone is usually required to wear either a pair of ''junioe'' slippers or the more rustic straw rope ''varṇaigi'' sandals, even in those areas where going barefoot outside is common. There are less strict rules on hairstyles, and they're allowed as long as they are not of Western Calemerian style. Most pupils, however, sport a traditional ''pomai'' chignon.<br/>Monastic schools have different rules, as the clothing is usually the same as monks.
Every school in the Inquisition by law requires pupils to wear a school uniform, called ''(tarlāmahi) leilausya'' (pl. ''leilausyai''). Obviously, as all clothing, these vary according to the region due to the wildly different climates, but they're usually of modest white- or light blue-dyed, or even undyed fabric everywhere; the typical mark that differentiates different schools is a small piece of cloth called ''kitalilvan'' (literally "house belt") that pupils tie to their left forearm; each school has its own motif or simply its name written on it. In most cases (as the majority of the population lives in year-round hot and often wet climate areas), the choices are the ''glaɂa'' (a large shirt-like cloth covering the legs, tied at the waist) and ''dhūbas'' (neckless shirt, often without sleeves, coming down up to the legs) typically aimed at boys, and the ''maghātam'' (a pair of baggy trousers) with ''pajlāka'' (a loose long shirt, often simply a large piece of cloth with spaces for the head and arms) typically aimed at girls (the choices are however not gender-dependent (many schools, in fact, give ''maghātam'' and ''pajlāka'' to everyone, or a ''pajlāka'' instead of a ''dhūbas'' for boys too), as usually the parents and pupils decide together what to take — the important thing is that no other kind of outer clothing is allowed). As in most buildings, street shoes must be changed at the entrance; everyone is usually required to wear either a pair of ''junioe'' slippers or the more rustic straw rope ''varṇaigi'' sandals, even in those areas where going barefoot outside is common. There are less strict rules on hairstyles, and they're allowed as long as they are not of Western Calemerian style. Most pupils, however, sport a traditional ''pomai'' chignon.<br/>Monastic schools have different rules, as the clothing is usually the same as monks.


Chlouvānem schools are divided in three stages, two of them mandatory. The first stage, non-mandatory, is the ''lahīla tarlāmaha'' (first school), called ''saminyahikeika'' (literally "children lecture garden") in some dioceses. Children usually begin going in it in their fourth year of life following Chlouvānem age count <small>(= children at least 3 years old)</small>, but a few schools, especially monastic ones, allow even children one year younger. Anyway, in rural areas it is still somewhat common for children not to go to first school, getting the equivalent basic education at home instead. In first school, children start learning how to read and write, and first schools are exclusively in Chlouvānem, bringing full exposure to the lingua franca instead of the local variant. During the second year of first school, children start being read and commented a few important extracts from the holy books of the Yunyalīlta.<br/>First school is not divided in grades, as classes are always mixed-age; one class usually contains from 25 to 40 children. Almost every parish (= municipality) of the Inquisition has at least a first school, often administered by the local temple.
Chlouvānem schools are divided in three stages, two of them mandatory. The first stage, non-mandatory, is the ''lahīla tarlāmaha'' (first school), called ''saminyahikeika'' (literally "children lecture garden") in some dioceses. Children usually begin going in it in their fourth year of life following Chlouvānem age count <small>(= children at least 3 years old)</small>, but a few schools, especially monastic ones, allow even children one year younger. Anyway, in rural areas it is still somewhat common for children not to go to first school, getting the equivalent basic education at home instead. In first school, children start learning how to read and write, and first schools are exclusively in Chlouvānem, bringing full exposure to the lingua franca instead of the local variant. During the second year of first school, children start being read and commented a few important extracts from the holy books of the Yunyalīlta.<br/>First school is not divided in grades, as classes are always mixed-age; one class usually contains from 25 to 40 children. Almost every parish (= municipality) of the Inquisition has at least a first school, often administered by the local temple.
Line 485: Line 485:
Clothing styles across the Inquisition are naturally varied because of the vastly different climates found in the country, as every biome apart from polar tundra and polar ice caps is found; most of the Inquisition has a hot climate, often very wet for all or at least half of the year, but on the other end of the scale there are places such as Yænyadagura, one of the coldest large cities of the planet, where temperatures far below freezing reign for most of the year.<br/>All clothes come in a variety of colors, with lilac and purple being particularly considered luxurious (those dyes were historically rare, and lilac is furthermore the national colour of the Inquisition). Dark clothes are rare, due to the hot climate in most of the nation, and a special mention needs to be done for golden yellow (saffron- or turmeric-like) clothes, which are extremely formal ones and worn for religious festivals only: it is a bad faux pas to wear such a dress outside of these occasions. Golden yellow dresses are however how the Great Inquisitor appears while on duty, and most Inquisitors, when on normal duty, wear an outfit which is predominantly black but with golden yellow details.
Clothing styles across the Inquisition are naturally varied because of the vastly different climates found in the country, as every biome apart from polar tundra and polar ice caps is found; most of the Inquisition has a hot climate, often very wet for all or at least half of the year, but on the other end of the scale there are places such as Yænyadagura, one of the coldest large cities of the planet, where temperatures far below freezing reign for most of the year.<br/>All clothes come in a variety of colors, with lilac and purple being particularly considered luxurious (those dyes were historically rare, and lilac is furthermore the national colour of the Inquisition). Dark clothes are rare, due to the hot climate in most of the nation, and a special mention needs to be done for golden yellow (saffron- or turmeric-like) clothes, which are extremely formal ones and worn for religious festivals only: it is a bad faux pas to wear such a dress outside of these occasions. Golden yellow dresses are however how the Great Inquisitor appears while on duty, and most Inquisitors, when on normal duty, wear an outfit which is predominantly black but with golden yellow details.


The most common traditional Chlouvānem clothing is that one native of the Lāmiejāya plain, which the Chlouvānem spread alongside their culture in all of the equatorial and tropical areas of the Inquisition. Probably the most famous clothing pieces are the ''jånirāh'' for women and the ''glaʔa'' for men. The ''jånirāh'' is basically a long strip of cloth, usually about five or six meters long, which is wrapped around the waist and draped over the shoulder; the ''helajyā'' is a blouse usually worn together with the ''jånirāh'', underneath it to cover the breasts, but it is sometimes used as a dress on its own.<br/> Men's ''glaʔa'' is a large strip of cloth tied around the waist and covering the legs; many workers do not wear any top, but a ''pajlāka'' - a large cloth, a loose shirt/mantle, unisex, worn top-down from the head and arms, is often worn together with ''glaʔai''. Barechestedness, however, both for men and women, is not particularly bad manners in Chlouvānem society, especially in the southern regions closer to the Equator.<br/>High monks of a few ascetic monastic orders do not wear clothes at all.
The most common traditional Chlouvānem clothing is that one native of the Lāmiejāya plain, which the Chlouvānem spread alongside their culture in all of the equatorial and tropical areas of the Inquisition. Probably the most famous clothing pieces are the ''jånirāh'' for women and the ''glaɂa'' for men. The ''jånirāh'' is basically a long strip of cloth, usually about five or six meters long, which is wrapped around the waist and draped over the shoulder; the ''helajyā'' is a blouse usually worn together with the ''jånirāh'', underneath it to cover the breasts, but it is sometimes used as a dress on its own.<br/> Men's ''glaʔa'' is a large strip of cloth tied around the waist and covering the legs; many workers do not wear any top, but a ''pajlāka'' - a large cloth, a loose shirt/mantle, unisex, worn top-down from the head and arms, is often worn together with ''glaɂai''. Barechestedness, however, both for men and women, is not particularly bad manners in Chlouvānem society, especially in the southern regions closer to the Equator.<br/>High monks of a few ascetic monastic orders do not wear clothes at all.


Other typical clothing apparel include the ''maghātam'', an unisex piece of leg clothing closer to (American) pants, but more loose — and the ''dhūbas'', a neckless shirt, often also without sleeves, which is somewhat usual clothing for women but the most usual formal clothing for men. The ''måših'' is a skirt similar to the ''glaʔa'', but less loose and often closer to a pencil skirt, and is worn by both women and men; women in the regions with higher humidity often wear it along with a ''maulinaca'' - a bandeau bra.
Other typical clothing apparel include the ''maghātam'', an unisex piece of leg clothing closer to (American) pants, but more loose — and the ''dhūbas'', a neckless shirt, often also without sleeves, which is somewhat usual clothing for women but the most usual formal clothing for men. The ''måših'' is a skirt similar to the ''glaʔa'', but less loose and often closer to a pencil skirt, and is worn by both women and men; women in the regions with higher humidity often wear it along with a ''maulinaca'' - a bandeau bra.
Line 516: Line 516:
'''Note''' that even the English translations of Chlouvānem terms for foods and especially plants are not perfect matches; they are similar-looking, similarly-used, or similar-tasting plants/foods, that may have even very noticeable differences compared to those of Earth. All terms are given in the singular, except when noted.
'''Note''' that even the English translations of Chlouvānem terms for foods and especially plants are not perfect matches; they are similar-looking, similarly-used, or similar-tasting plants/foods, that may have even very noticeable differences compared to those of Earth. All terms are given in the singular, except when noted.


An usual Chlouvānem meal is eaten communally, with food being served in large bowls and plates placed in the center of a table and then taken by the diners; foods are eaten either by hand or with chopsticks, and soups with spoons; forks and knives are however commonly used in the Northwest due to Western Calemerian influences. Dishes served in a single meal are meant to be eaten together, and are often contrasting - sweet and salty, spicy and mild, hot and cold. The two most typical types of dishes are stews (''chlemyoe'') and curries (''mėlita''); they are similar in appearance, but ''chlemyenī'' are generally less thick than curries and served in bowls, while ''mėlitai'' are thicker and served on plates; also, the omnipresent accompanying rice is typically cooked along with stews, but separately from curries and served on different plates. In countless variations, these dishes are found all across the country.<br/>Among popular dishes that are not stews or curries, ''rānāmi'' is a particularly popular one - it is a full plate of spiced rice with a cream of chickpeas and/or beans, optionally flavoured with either ''jvyarñuɂah'' (a typical delicacy of the Līlasuṃghāṇa area - a cream made from moldy and aged ''jvyara'' berry pulp) or ''vyāvamouka'' (a mustard paste), with usually ''ilьnīkai'' (fried vegetable balls) inside them - in some riverine communities, variants with eels may be found instead.
An usual Chlouvānem meal is eaten communally, with food being served in large bowls and plates placed in the center of a table and then taken by the diners; foods are eaten either by hand or with chopsticks, and soups with spoons; forks and knives are however commonly used in the Northwest due to Western Calemerian influences. Dishes served in a single meal are meant to be eaten together, and are often contrasting - sweet and salty, spicy and mild, hot and cold. The two most typical types of dishes are stews (''chlemyoe'') and curries (''mėlita''); they are similar in appearance, but ''chlemyenī'' are generally less thick than curries and served in bowls, while ''mėlitai'' are thicker and served on plates; also, the omnipresent accompanying rice is typically cooked along with stews, but separately from curries and served on different plates. In countless variations, these dishes are found all across the country.<br/>Among popular dishes that are not stews or curries, ''rānāmi'' is a particularly popular one - it is a full plate of spiced rice with a cream of chickpeas and/or beans, optionally flavoured with either ''jvyarñuɂah'' (a typical delicacy of the Līlasuṃghāṇa area - a cream made from moldy and aged ''jvyara'' berry pulp) or ''vyāvamǣka'' (a mustard paste), with usually ''ilьnīkai'' (fried vegetable balls) inside them - in some riverine communities, variants with eels may be found instead.


====Ingredients====
====Ingredients====
Line 528: Line 528:
Due to the relative rarity and fluctuating disponibility of meat, most of it is preserved in some way in order to conserve it. Pickled, smoked, jellied, or fermented fish are commonly found in Chlouvānem ''luvāye''.
Due to the relative rarity and fluctuating disponibility of meat, most of it is preserved in some way in order to conserve it. Pickled, smoked, jellied, or fermented fish are commonly found in Chlouvānem ''luvāye''.


====''Poucicænai''====
====''Pǣcicænai''====
The term ''poucicænai'' (singular ''poucicænah'' - a double diminutive of ''pouka'' "taste") refers to a vast series of Chlouvānem foods which are commonly eaten as entrées or apéritifs, but may also be served together with main meals or as snacks during the day. There are countless variations of foods that may be classified as ''poucicænai'', but they all have in common the fact of being mostly cold or usually only cooked for a short time (with some exceptions, such as ''skaglanåmai''), usually vegetable-only, and are served either as small snack-like servings or in buffets. ''Poucicænai'' are only savoury - similar sweet foods are usually categorized as candies. Foods commonly served as ''poucicænai'' are:

The term ''pǣcicænai'' (singular ''pǣcicænah'' - a double diminutive of ''pǣka'' "taste") refers to a vast series of Chlouvānem foods which are commonly eaten as entrées or apéritifs, but may also be served together with main meals or as snacks during the day. There are countless variations of foods that may be classified as ''pǣcicænai'', but they all have in common the fact of being mostly cold or usually only cooked for a short time (with some exceptions, such as ''skaglanåmai''), usually vegetable-only, and are served either as small snack-like servings or in buffets. ''Pǣcicænai'' are only savoury - similar sweet foods are usually categorized as candies. Foods commonly served as ''poucicænai'' are:

* ''skaglanåmā'' (pl. ''-nåmai'') - small potatoes boiled in salted water and served hot but covered in cold sauces;
* ''skaglanåmā'' (pl. ''-nåmai'') - small potatoes boiled in salted water and served hot but covered in cold sauces;
* ''smurṇūlia'' (pl. ''-ṇūliai'') - small portions of rice, sesame, and cutted vegetables (often tomatoes, carrots, or spinach) wrapped in cabbage leaves;
* ''smurṇūlia'' (pl. ''-ṇūliai'') - small portions of rice, sesame, and cutted vegetables (often tomatoes, carrots, or spinach) wrapped in cabbage leaves;
Line 586: Line 586:


===Housing===
===Housing===
The vast majority of houses in the Inquisition are owned by the state, by corporations, or by collective/state farms. Privately owned houses are extremely rare, especially in cities, and for the most part they are century-old family inheritances.
The vast majority of houses in the Inquisition are owned by the state, by trade unions, or by collective/state farms. Privately owned houses are extremely rare, especially in cities, and for the most part they are century-old family inheritances.
Homes are usually assigned by local branches of the Inquisition, usually at the parish level; obtaining homes from the state is the most common way. Another common method is to get a home assigned by one's own trade corporation or (in rural areas) state or collective farms; many large factories also have dormitories inside or just outside the factory area.
Homes are usually assigned by local branches of the Inquisition, usually at the parish level; obtaining homes from the state is the most common way. Another common method is to get a home assigned by one's own trade corporation or (in rural areas) state or collective farms; many large factories also have dormitories inside or just outside the factory area.