Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition: Difference between revisions
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'''Chlouvānem''' is a Lahob language with a long history which originated in its current form in the eastern part of the Lāmiejāya-Lāmberah Plain and the Jade Coast (roughly between the lower Lāmiejāya river to the north and Lūlunīkam Lake to the south). With a written history of more than 2000 years, it is the liturgical language of the Yunyalīlta and, due to this importance, has remained the main language used in administration, inter-cultural trade, and arts, for two millennia, in the ever-expanding Yunyalīlti world. It is a central element of self-definition of Chlouvānem people. | '''Chlouvānem''' is a Lahob language with a long history which originated in its current form in the eastern part of the Lāmiejāya-Lāmberah Plain and the Jade Coast (roughly between the lower Lāmiejāya river to the north and Lūlunīkam Lake to the south). With a written history of more than 2000 years, it is the liturgical language of the Yunyalīlta and, due to this importance, has remained the main language used in administration, inter-cultural trade, and arts, for two millennia, in the ever-expanding Yunyalīlti world. It is a central element of self-definition of Chlouvānem people. | ||
Since the | Since the early-mid 5th millennium, the Chlouvānem people have been spreading their religion and influence across most of the continent of Márusúturon, outside the original homeland on the Jade Coast. Patterns of Chlouvānem settlement have varied depending on the area - but the Chlouvānem people's predisposition to exogamy has been an important factor in shaping the history of this part of the world: almost everyone in the Inquisition has at least one mixed-blood ancestor, and - even today - the definition of "ethnic group" as for Western (Calémerian and Earthly) standards is extremely challenged by the situation - and self-definition - among Chlouvānem people. | ||
The Chlouvānem concept of ''lailyāvikā'', roughly translated as "ethnicity", is the only indicator used in the Chlouvānemosphere for ethnicities and nationalities; in many cases, language is not the defining factor. Officially, ''lailyāvikai'' are some groups that are defined as such mostly because of historical conditions - they include social groups that were at the edge of society in the pre-modern era; ethnicities that were semi-independent in respect to the centralmost areas; nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples<ref>Nomadism and semi-nomadism has virtually disappeared since the Kaiṣamā period. After the latter's fall, some traditionally nomadic peoples - especially Soenyubi - in other countries have gone back to nomadism, but in the Inquisition this phenomenon has not happened.</ref>; ethnicities with a distinct, not fully Chlouvānemized culture well into the | The Chlouvānem concept of ''lailyāvikā'', roughly translated as "ethnicity", is the only indicator used in the Chlouvānemosphere for ethnicities and nationalities; in many cases, language is not the defining factor. Officially, ''lailyāvikai'' are some groups that are defined as such mostly because of historical conditions - they include social groups that were at the edge of society in the pre-modern era; ethnicities that were semi-independent in respect to the centralmost areas; nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples<ref>Nomadism and semi-nomadism has virtually disappeared since the Kaiṣamā period. After the latter's fall, some traditionally nomadic peoples - especially Soenyubi - in other countries have gone back to nomadism, but in the Inquisition this phenomenon has not happened.</ref>; ethnicities with a distinct, not fully Chlouvānemized culture well into the contemporary era; and foreigners. All other people are simply considered Chlouvānem as far as ethnicity is concerned, more as a catch-all category rather than a distinct ethnicity; the Yunyalīlta as religion and the use of Chlouvānem as a lingua franca is nearly universal among all ethnicities today, and it has been such for more than a century now.<br/> | ||
Today, 13 non-Chlouvānem ''lailyāvikai'' are titulars of an ''ethnic diocese'', a diocese considered "homeland" of that particular ethnic group and where members of that ethnic group have certain privileges. Except for Bazá people in Tūnambasā diocese, however, all of these ethnicities are rather small minorities in their own ethnic dioceses. | Today, 13 non-Chlouvānem ''lailyāvikai'' are titulars of an ''ethnic diocese'', a diocese considered "homeland" of that particular ethnic group and where members of that ethnic group have certain privileges. Except for Bazá people in Tūnambasā diocese, however, all of these ethnicities are rather small minorities in their own ethnic dioceses. | ||
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Outside the Inquisition, self-definition and native knowledge of any Chlouvānem language is the main definition of Chlouvānem ethnicity. | Outside the Inquisition, self-definition and native knowledge of any Chlouvānem language is the main definition of Chlouvānem ethnicity. | ||
Most non-Chlouvānem inhabitants of the Inquisition come from countries of the former ''Kaiṣamā'' - the Union of Purified States - (Kŭyŭgwažtov, Soenyŏ-tave…) or are Bronic and Fathanic which not just were part of the Kaiṣamā (Fathan was even a diocese of the Inquisition until | Most non-Chlouvānem inhabitants of the Inquisition come from countries of the former ''Kaiṣamā'' - the Union of Purified States - (Kŭyŭgwažtov, Soenyŏ-tave…) or are Bronic and Fathanic which not just were part of the Kaiṣamā (Fathan was even a diocese of the Inquisition until 6385 (3841<sub>12</sub>)) but border the Inquisition for most of their frontiers' extension. Other sources of non-Chlouvānems are: | ||
* Titular ethnicities of “ethnic dioceses”, a few dioceses where there often is a local indigenous pre-Chlouvānem language with legal recognition there. These titular ethnicities are rather small because, like all other Chlouvānemized peoples, they have interbred with Chlouvānems and taken cultural influences, as well as converted to the Yunyalīlta, and the “purest” form of their culture mostly survived in remote valleys or plateaus; in fact, in most ethnic dioceses the local titular ethnicity does not count for more than 10% of the population, with the majority of people having origins in both that ethnicity and in not-better-defined Chlouvānem; | * Titular ethnicities of “ethnic dioceses”, a few dioceses where there often is a local indigenous pre-Chlouvānem language with legal recognition there. These titular ethnicities are rather small because, like all other Chlouvānemized peoples, they have interbred with Chlouvānems and taken cultural influences, as well as converted to the Yunyalīlta, and the “purest” form of their culture mostly survived in remote valleys or plateaus; in fact, in most ethnic dioceses the local titular ethnicity does not count for more than 10% of the population, with the majority of people having origins in both that ethnicity and in not-better-defined Chlouvānem; | ||
* People of Western (Evandorian) origin in the Northwestern coastal dioceses, which were formerly colonies of Evandorian powers (some small lands of Auralia, Ceria, and the late Kingdom of Bankráv). Auralian, Cerian, Majo-Bankravian, and Nordûlaki are all minority official languages in parts of this area. Still, most of them have cut ties with their ancestral homeland and they're becoming part of mainstream Chlouvānem culture, even though with this regional influence. | * People of Western (Evandorian) origin in the Northwestern coastal dioceses, which were formerly colonies of Evandorian powers (some small lands of Auralia, Ceria, and the late Kingdom of Bankráv). Auralian, Cerian, Majo-Bankravian, and Nordûlaki are all minority official languages in parts of this area. Still, most of them have cut ties with their ancestral homeland and they're becoming part of mainstream Chlouvānem culture, even though with this regional influence. | ||
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|+ '''Largest cities of the Chlouvānem Inquisition''' | |+ '''Largest cities of the Chlouvānem Inquisition''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
! No. !! City<ref>An apical '''ṭ''' after the city name denotes it is a ''quaestorship'' (ṭūmma).</ref> !! Diocese !! Population<sub>12</sub> <small>( | ! No. !! City<ref>An apical '''ṭ''' after the city name denotes it is a ''quaestorship'' (ṭūmma).</ref> !! Diocese !! Population<sub>12</sub> <small>(3872)</small> !! <small>Population<sub>10</sub> (6422)</small> !! Tribunal | ||
|- | |- | ||
| 1 || [[Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition/Līlasuṃghāṇa|Līlasuṃghāṇa]] <sup>ṭ</sup> || Nanašīrama || 9Ɛ.42.535 || <small>29,698,169</small> || Jade Coast Area | | 1 || [[Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition/Līlasuṃghāṇa|Līlasuṃghāṇa]] <sup>ṭ</sup> || Nanašīrama || 9Ɛ.42.535 || <small>29,698,169</small> || Jade Coast Area | ||
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===Population growth=== | ===Population growth=== | ||
Compared to other developed nations, the Inquisition also has a relatively high fertility rate, with a median of 2.2 children per woman; despite infant mortality sharply declining in the last hundred years (to the point that the Inquisition has one of the lowest rates on the planet) and better economic conditions, the fertility rate has not declined that much due to a traditional preference for large families and need for workers in the agricultural sector.<br/> | Compared to other developed nations, the Inquisition also has a relatively high fertility rate, with a median of 2.2 children per woman; despite infant mortality sharply declining in the last hundred years (to the point that the Inquisition has one of the lowest rates on the planet) and better economic conditions, the fertility rate has not declined that much due to a traditional preference for large families and need for workers in the agricultural sector.<br/> | ||
As this has been cause of growing concern in some areas, especially the already overpopulated parts of the nation where the largest cities lie, the government has introduced a program of colonization, offering economic benefits to those from the main populated areas who, once reached age of majority (end of the 16th year), settle in “development areas”, dioceses with large thinly-populated areas. In some cases, governments still use deportation programs, even though not to the large extent | As this has been cause of growing concern in some areas, especially the already overpopulated parts of the nation where the largest cities lie, the government has introduced a program of colonization, offering economic benefits to those from the main populated areas who, once reached age of majority (end of the 16th year), settle in “development areas”, dioceses with large thinly-populated areas. In some cases, governments still use deportation programs, even though not to the large extent as 80/90 years ago. The Inquisitorial fertility rate has also been a source of concern in some countries, as some politicians there have spoken of a “Chlouvānem plan” for world colonization: this is particularly prominent in iKalurilut, as it has seen many Chlouvānem immigrants in the last three decades and now ethnic Chlouvānems have risen from 3% to 17% of its population.<br/>Many other countries of the former ''Kaiṣamā'', apart from iKalurilut, still have large numbers of ethnic Chlouvānem, for example 33% of the population in Fathan, 24% in Brono, 14% in Kŭyŭgwažtov and 10% in Soenyŏ-tave; the largest community by number of ethnic Chlouvānem outside the Inquisition is however that of Skyrdagor. | ||
====Immigration==== | ====Immigration==== | ||
Immigration policies to the Inquisition have varied quite a lot in the last fifty years. During the ''Kaiṣamā'' era, most immigrants were from the other countries of the former Union (with a particularly large number of them being Kŭyŭgwažŭbs and Soenyubis), and a very small number of Communist political refugees from some countries (notably Púrítonian and Southern Védrenian ones), who, however, mostly settled in the other countries of the Kaiṣamā. Overall, immigration during that era (which ended in | Immigration policies to the Inquisition have varied quite a lot in the last fifty years. During the ''Kaiṣamā'' era, most immigrants were from the other countries of the former Union (with a particularly large number of them being Kŭyŭgwažŭbs and Soenyubis), and a very small number of Communist political refugees from some countries (notably Púrítonian and Southern Védrenian ones), who, however, mostly settled in the other countries of the Kaiṣamā. Overall, immigration during that era (which ended in 6378 (3836<sub>12</sub>), 46 years ago) was pretty limited, especially considering that many inter-Union "immigrants" were forcibly relocated (though in the early Kaiṣamā it was much more common than in the later period). | ||
After the Kaiṣamā ended, it was the time of the so-called "new progressivists", somewhat more open than the hard-line Yunyalīlti Communism-influenced High Inquisitors that worked during the Kaiṣamā (Great Inquisitor Mæmihūmiāvi Kañeñǣkah ''Læhimausa'' continued to hold power for a further twenty years, until her death in | After the Kaiṣamā ended, it was the time of the so-called "new progressivists", somewhat more open than the hard-line Yunyalīlti Communism-influenced High Inquisitors that worked during the Kaiṣamā (Great Inquisitor Mæmihūmiāvi Kañeñǣkah ''Læhimausa'' continued to hold power for a further twenty years, until her death in 6398 (3852<sub>12</sub>), though embracing "new progressivism"). During this period, immigrating into the Inquisition became easier, especially for people from poorer Védrenian countries, and peaking after 6387 (3843<sub>12</sub>) with the start of the first of the Dabuke Civil Wars right across the western borders of the Inquisition. Many immigrants from all continents (apart Evandor and, to a lesser extent, Púríton; also immigration from most countries of the former Kaiṣamā greatly decreased) entered the Inquisition during this period, but most of them had difficulties in founding immigrant communities due to immigrants being redistributed and housed in different parts of the country upon arrival. Children of "new progressivism"-era immigrants, for this reason, are all considered Chlouvānem as they readily integrated into mainstream Chlouvānem culture, as did most of their parents anyway. | ||
While "new progressivism" proper is considered to end soon after the election of Great Inquisitor Chilamulkāvi Praṣṭhelišā ''Nariekayah'' in | While "new progressivism" proper is considered to end soon after the election of Great Inquisitor Chilamulkāvi Praṣṭhelišā ''Nariekayah'' in 6398 (3852<sub>12</sub>), these immigration policies continued until well into the reign of the following Great Inquisitor Kælidañcāvi Læñchlīñchlė ''Mæmihūmia'' (elected in 6408 (3860<sub>12</sub>) after Praṣṭhelišā resigned); late Kañeñǣkah- and early Praṣṭhelišā-era policies aimed at East-West "reconciliation" also had the effect of easing immigration from the West, and in fact there has been a moderately large number of Western middle-class, educated people who came to the Inquisition, mostly working in the education and scientific sectors. However, the bulk of immigrants continued to come from poorer countries of Eastern Védren, parts of the former Kaiṣamā, and Ogúviutón; the 6405 (3859<sub>12</sub>) earthquake and tsunami in the Inner Skyrdegan Sea, that hit Greater Skyrdegan economies hard, also had the effect of increasing immigration from those areas. | ||
The rise of traditionalism (and Nāɂahilūmism) in the last ten years restored many of the Kaiṣamā-era restrictions to immigration; anyway, the start of the second wave of the Dabuke Civil Wars in northeastern Védren has led to a large influx of immigrants entering the Inquisition from there. Middle-class immigration from the West also has not stopped, but most of those immigrants are now Communist-aligned students or "new age" followers of Yunyalīlti-influenced cults; depending on where they work, such immigrants may have less restrictions in travelling abroad, with restricted movement being mainly from Western part (like in the ongoing controversial case of the Cerian-born woman Tanūrėṣāvi Raitamėrališā ''Lyāni'' (born Reáni Laitaméra), who married a Chlouvānem man considered a terrorist by international security forces and can't travel outside the Inquisition and a few other Eastern Bloc countries).<br/> | The rise of traditionalism (and Nāɂahilūmism) in the last ten years restored many of the Kaiṣamā-era restrictions to immigration; anyway, the start of the second wave of the Dabuke Civil Wars in northeastern Védren has led to a large influx of immigrants entering the Inquisition from there. Middle-class immigration from the West also has not stopped, but most of those immigrants are now Communist-aligned students or "new age" followers of Yunyalīlti-influenced cults; depending on where they work, such immigrants may have less restrictions in travelling abroad, with restricted movement being mainly from Western part (like in the ongoing controversial case of the Cerian-born woman Tanūrėṣāvi Raitamėrališā ''Lyāni'' (born Reáni Laitaméra), who married a Chlouvānem man considered a terrorist by international security forces and can't travel outside the Inquisition and a few other Eastern Bloc countries).<br/> | ||
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The Inquisition has the fourth-highest median life expectancy on Calémere (after Brono, Karynaktja, and Holenagika), with ~71.3 (5Ɛ.4<sub>12</sub>) years for males and ~74.8 (62.ᘔ<sub>12</sub>) for females<ref>Calemerian humans live on average less years than humans of Earth, note though than one Calemerian year lasts about 609,6 days on Earth.</ref>; life expectancy has grown noticeably in the last century after the newest progresses in science were able to finally defeat or find easy cures to many common tropical diseases that historically plagued large parts of the territory. | The Inquisition has the fourth-highest median life expectancy on Calémere (after Brono, Karynaktja, and Holenagika), with ~71.3 (5Ɛ.4<sub>12</sub>) years for males and ~74.8 (62.ᘔ<sub>12</sub>) for females<ref>Calemerian humans live on average less years than humans of Earth, note though than one Calemerian year lasts about 609,6 days on Earth.</ref>; life expectancy has grown noticeably in the last century after the newest progresses in science were able to finally defeat or find easy cures to many common tropical diseases that historically plagued large parts of the territory. | ||
The main health issue among Chlouvānem people is considered to be the suicide rate. Suicide (''demikaudaranah'') is the leading cause of death for people under 40<sub>12</sub> and has grown to become a serious problem. The rate is very high due to the social pressure inherent in Chlouvānem culture, which has often led people, especially young workers and students, to be easily ashamed for even minor mistakes or failures and Chlouvānem society not being particularly tolerant of this. Due to the Yunyalīlti worldview valuing the community more than the individual, suicide has historically been considered the most honourable way to die, and part of a process of natural selection, as the dead’s place in the community will be taken by someone better suited.<br/>These reasons have also led, especially among young people (particularly the age range from 12<sub>12</sub> to 22<sub>12</sub>) to the popularity of "suicidal games" (''demikaudarfildoe'', pl. ''-fildenī''): actual plannings of mass suicides masked as games. This has been a particularly hot topic in the news since in | The main health issue among Chlouvānem people is considered to be the suicide rate. Suicide (''demikaudaranah'') is the leading cause of death for people under 40<sub>12</sub> and has grown to become a serious problem. The rate is very high due to the social pressure inherent in Chlouvānem culture, which has often led people, especially young workers and students, to be easily ashamed for even minor mistakes or failures and Chlouvānem society not being particularly tolerant of this. Due to the Yunyalīlti worldview valuing the community more than the individual, suicide has historically been considered the most honourable way to die, and part of a process of natural selection, as the dead’s place in the community will be taken by someone better suited.<br/>These reasons have also led, especially among young people (particularly the age range from 12<sub>12</sub> to 22<sub>12</sub>) to the popularity of "suicidal games" (''demikaudarfildoe'', pl. ''-fildenī''): actual plannings of mass suicides masked as games. This has been a particularly hot topic in the news since in 6418 <small>(386ᘔ<sub>12</sub>)</small> 43 young people committed suicide on the same day across the diocese of Kainomatā; while many such games have been stopped and the organizers often executed, some of them periodically pop out and it has been estimated that many hundreds of all yearly suicides of young people in that age range is due to these phenomena. Parts of the society, though, haven't condemned these games as much as the government did, with people even referring to them as a kind of "needed help" in order to find a simple and right way to do it. | ||
Nowadays, even some of the most traditionalist people have recognized that suicides in the Inquisition are a serious problem as suicide rates, particularly among people aged 16<sub>12</sub> to 24<sub>12</sub>, have continued to rise yearly for the last 15 years, and many failed attempts have led to people frequently becoming paralyzed or with other serious injuries and thus incapable of leading a normal life. Many suicide hotlines have been set up by local governments in order to give assistance and some dioceses have begun to provide psychological visits for free to “vulnerable subjects”, and there have been cases of employers being convicted and serving 2+6+2 months prison sentences<ref>A mild sentence in Inquisition justice, consisting of two months of forced work, six months of prison detention (including socially helpful jobs), and two months of house arrest.</ref> for instigation to suicide (''demikaudarīlgis'') - there have been however pressures towards Inquisitors in order to give harsher sentences for such crimes, including a full 7+7 sentence<ref>Seven months of forced work plus seven months of prison detention. Note that 14 months is the length of the Calemerian year.</ref>; anti-suicide politics have also resulted in more surveillance near bridges at night and especially many lifeguards being employed all night long along beaches after many people committed suicide by drowning themselves into the sea or lakes; anyway, the results are still hard to see as, despite governmental efforts, popular opinion still sees suicide as an honorable act. | Nowadays, even some of the most traditionalist people have recognized that suicides in the Inquisition are a serious problem as suicide rates, particularly among people aged 16<sub>12</sub> to 24<sub>12</sub>, have continued to rise yearly for the last 15 years, and many failed attempts have led to people frequently becoming paralyzed or with other serious injuries and thus incapable of leading a normal life. Many suicide hotlines have been set up by local governments in order to give assistance and some dioceses have begun to provide psychological visits for free to “vulnerable subjects”, and there have been cases of employers being convicted and serving 2+6+2 months prison sentences<ref>A mild sentence in Inquisition justice, consisting of two months of forced work, six months of prison detention (including socially helpful jobs), and two months of house arrest.</ref> for instigation to suicide (''demikaudarīlgis'') - there have been however pressures towards Inquisitors in order to give harsher sentences for such crimes, including a full 7+7 sentence<ref>Seven months of forced work plus seven months of prison detention. Note that 14 months is the length of the Calemerian year.</ref>; anti-suicide politics have also resulted in more surveillance near bridges at night and especially many lifeguards being employed all night long along beaches after many people committed suicide by drowning themselves into the sea or lakes; anyway, the results are still hard to see as, despite governmental efforts, popular opinion still sees suicide as an honorable act. | ||