Chlouvānem/Lexicon: Difference between revisions
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The Yunyalīlta does not, in its purest form (the teachings of the Chlamiṣvatrā), mandate wedding traditions, though customs and Yunyalīlti rituals have entered the Books of the Inquisition so that there still is a religious basis. The traditional Yunyalīlti-supported view, unchallenged before the introduction of Yunyalīlti Communism and the official broadening of the recognized gender spectrum, is that the strictly monogamous marriage (''lañšēmita'') creates a social structure responsible of child rearing – a more archaic wording uses "responsible of reproduction" instead. It is to be noted that this view establishes social, but not sexual, monogamy, and that historically, and still today, in most of the Chlouvānem world, sexual fidelity is not an emphasized value as long as infidelity does not interfere with the education of children. | The Yunyalīlta does not, in its purest form (the teachings of the Chlamiṣvatrā), mandate wedding traditions, though customs and Yunyalīlti rituals have entered the Books of the Inquisition so that there still is a religious basis. The traditional Yunyalīlti-supported view, unchallenged before the introduction of Yunyalīlti Communism and the official broadening of the recognized gender spectrum, is that the strictly monogamous marriage (''lañšēmita'') creates a social structure responsible of child rearing – a more archaic wording uses "responsible of reproduction" instead. It is to be noted that this view establishes social, but not sexual, monogamy, and that historically, and still today, in most of the Chlouvānem world, sexual fidelity is not an emphasized value as long as infidelity does not interfere with the education of children. | ||
Traditionally, the man should propose to the woman, with her consent towards marriage started the organization of the ''maidombhanah'' (lit. "forward-bringing") ceremony, a series of two gatherings (first with the woman's family, then, if the family gave their consent, with the man's one) where the couple announced their intentions to marry. When both families gave consent, the woman's family had to pay a symbolic sum called ''lañšilgotoe'' (lit. "braid-buying") to the man's family, as a sort of compensation for privating the family of a worker, according to the ancient gender roles. While the ''lañšilgotoe'' is not paid anymore since the Kaiṣamā era, and it is no longer mandatory (but is still predominant) that the man proposes first, the ''maidombhanah'' tradition is still present and has spread to most cultures and ethnicities of the Inquisition. It is also still required for the families, after this ceremony, to check their lineages to assure there is no relationship between the couple, as Chlouvānem laws do not allow relatives closer than fifth cousins to marry | Traditionally, the man should propose to the woman, with her consent towards marriage started the organization of the ''maidombhanah'' (lit. "forward-bringing") ceremony, a series of two gatherings (first with the woman's family, then, if the family gave their consent, with the man's one) where the couple announced their intentions to marry. When both families gave consent, the woman's family had to pay a symbolic sum called ''lañšilgotoe'' (lit. "braid-buying") to the man's family, as a sort of compensation for privating the family of a worker, according to the ancient gender roles. While the ''lañšilgotoe'' is not paid anymore since the Kaiṣamā era, and it is no longer mandatory (but is still predominant) that the man proposes first, the ''maidombhanah'' tradition is still present and has spread to most cultures and ethnicities of the Inquisition. It is also still required for the families, after this ceremony, to check their lineages to assure there is no relationship between the couple, as Chlouvānem laws do not allow relatives closer than fifth cousins to marry. | ||
In ancient times, it was common (at least outside of small villages) that ''maidombhanah'' was the first time the bride and groom met each other's families, and that as the successful result of both ''maidombhanai'' it was the first time that the bride and groom's families met. Nowadays, as bride and groom typically know each other and live together for some time before agreeing to marry and starting the ''maidombhanah'' period, this is often no longer the case, but can still happen when for example one or both families live in different cities.<br/> | In ancient times, it was common (at least outside of small villages) that ''maidombhanah'' was the first time the bride and groom met each other's families, and that as the successful result of both ''maidombhanai'' it was the first time that the bride and groom's families met. Nowadays, as bride and groom typically know each other and live together for some time before agreeing to marry and starting the ''maidombhanah'' period, this is often no longer the case, but can still happen when for example one or both families live in different cities.<br/> | ||
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The crowning ritual is called ''šukilanah'' (lit. "declaration") and takes place at the beginning of the evening. Introduced by an Inquisitor celebrating the wedding, the bride and groom have to recite six vows<ref>The number and content of vows may vary regionally.</ref> in the form of question–answer. At the moment of the last vow, the bride and groom need to be facing in the direction either of the Blossoming Temple of Līlasuṃghāṇa or of Lake Vādhaṃšvāti. | The crowning ritual is called ''šukilanah'' (lit. "declaration") and takes place at the beginning of the evening. Introduced by an Inquisitor celebrating the wedding, the bride and groom have to recite six vows<ref>The number and content of vows may vary regionally.</ref> in the form of question–answer. At the moment of the last vow, the bride and groom need to be facing in the direction either of the Blossoming Temple of Līlasuṃghāṇa or of Lake Vādhaṃšvāti. | ||
After the wedding, it is customary for the newly-weds to visit those relatives that could not attend the ceremony, typically spending ten days travelling across the country to visit them, one per day, though the frequency varies depending on local customs. Traditionally, the couple used to go to live at the wife's house, if she was the youngest daughter of her family. Today, with housing being assigned by the state, it is no longer the case, though it is not uncommon that the wife's parents are counted as part of the household when determining the size of an apartment to be assigned to a married couple. | After the wedding, it is customary for the newly-weds to visit those relatives that could not attend the ceremony, typically spending ten days travelling across the country to visit them, one per day, though the frequency varies depending on local customs. Traditionally, the couple used to go to live at the wife's house, if she was the youngest daughter of her family. Today, with housing being assigned by the state, it is no longer the case, though it is not uncommon that the wife's parents<ref>As well as younger siblings which are still minors or have not completed secondary education.</ref> are counted as part of the household when determining the size of an apartment to be assigned to a married couple, unless the wife does not specifically ask for different housing. | ||
(TBA ~ how same-sex weddings differ) | (TBA ~ how same-sex weddings differ) | ||