Chlouvānem: Difference between revisions

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{{movedon}}
{{Infobox language
{{Infobox language
|name          = Chlouvānem
|name          = Chlouvānem
|nativename      = chlǣvānumi dhāḍa
|nativename      = chlǣvānumi dhāḍa
|pronunciation = {{IPA|[c͡ɕʰɴ̆ɛːʋaːnumi dʱaːɖa]}}
|pronunciation = c͡ɕʰɴ̆ɛːʋaːnumi dʱaːɖa
|creator      = [[User:Lili21|Lili21]]
|pronunciation_key = IPA
|creator      = User:Lili21
|created      = Dec 2016
|created      = Dec 2016
|region        = Jahībušanā, southern Vaikēham, eastern half of Araugi, southernmost Vīṭadælteh
|region        = Jahībušanā, southern Vaikēham, eastern half of Araugi, southernmost Vīṭadælteh
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|date          = 3874 <small>(6424<sub>10</sub>)</small>
|date          = 3874 <small>(6424<sub>10</sub>)</small>
|setting      = [[Verse:Calémere|Calémere]]
|setting      = [[Verse:Calémere|Calémere]]
|familycolor  = #E4CEFA
|familycolor  = Hmong-Mien<!--This is to add the family colour! HEX codes don't work, so I chose the closest family colour to your provided Hex Code<nowiki>!</nowiki>-->
|fam1          = [[Lahob languages|Lahob-Imuniguronian]]
|fam1          = [[Lahob languages|Lahob-Imuniguronian]]
|stand1          = Classical Chlouvānem
|stand1          = Classical Chlouvānem
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{{Chlouvānem sidebar}}  
{{Chlouvānem sidebar}}  
==Internal history==
==Internal history==
The history of the Chlouvānem language itself is tightly linked with the one of the Ur-Chlouvānem (''odhāḍadumbhīn'') and Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānem'') peoples, and is usually divided in the following periods:
The history of the Chlouvānem language itself is tightly linked with the one of the Ur-Chlouvānem (''odhāḍadumbhais'') and Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānem'') peoples, and is usually divided in the following periods:
* Proto-Lahob (''hūlisakhāni odhāḍa''; PLB for short)
* Proto-Lahob (''hūlisakhāni odhāḍa''; PLB for short)
* Pre-Chlouvānem or Ur-Chlouvānem language (''ochlǣvānumi dhāḍa'' or rarely ''chlǣvānumi odhāḍa'')
* Pre-Chlouvānem or Ur-Chlouvānem language (''ochlǣvānumi dhāḍa'' or rarely ''chlǣvānumi odhāḍa'')
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''Pre-Chlouvānem'', ''Proto-Chlouvānem'', or ''Ur-Chlouvānem'' (''ochlǣvānumi dhāḍa'') is the term for the unattested stage of Chlouvānem in the millennium between the end of the common Proto-Lahob period and either the settlement in the Inland Jade Coast, in the lands ultimately drained by Lake Lūlunīkam, or the first attestation of the existence of the Chlouvānem people, in a [[Lällshag]] inscription dated around 3850~3900, approximately 200 years before the lifetime of the Chlamiṣvatrā and a bit less than half a millennium before the founding of the Inquisition.
''Pre-Chlouvānem'', ''Proto-Chlouvānem'', or ''Ur-Chlouvānem'' (''ochlǣvānumi dhāḍa'') is the term for the unattested stage of Chlouvānem in the millennium between the end of the common Proto-Lahob period and either the settlement in the Inland Jade Coast, in the lands ultimately drained by Lake Lūlunīkam, or the first attestation of the existence of the Chlouvānem people, in a [[Lällshag]] inscription dated around 3850~3900, approximately 200 years before the lifetime of the Chlamiṣvatrā and a bit less than half a millennium before the founding of the Inquisition.


The trek of the Ur-Chlouvānem across Márusúturon was likely carried out by a series of tribes, some of whose likely settled in places along the route; the long route most likely passed through Tiṃhayāla Pass, between present-day Maišikota and Nēlithādya, which is one of the most important passes of the whole continent, a relatively low crossing between the plains of Līnajaiṭa and, therefore, the Little Ivulit, and the upper reaches of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra, leading to the whole Great Chlouvānem Plain. Therefore, the long trek of the Ur-Chlouvānem was, except for this pass, mainly in flat territory, facilitating their migration.
The trek of the Ur-Chlouvānem across Márusúturon was likely carried out by a series of tribes, some of whose likely settled in places along the route; the long route most likely passed through Tiṃhayāla Pass, between present-day Maišikota and Nālaṭhirūṇa, which is one of the most important passes of the whole continent, a relatively low crossing between the plains of Līnajaiṭa and, therefore, the Little Ivulit, and the upper reaches of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra, leading to the whole Great Chlouvānem Plain. Therefore, the long trek of the Ur-Chlouvānem was, except for this pass, mainly in flat territory, facilitating their migration.


Linguistically, Ur-Chlouvānem was very conservative, retaining most traits of Proto-Lahob morphology. However, it did develop some traits unique to Chlouvānem, not present in the Core Lahob languages:
Linguistically, Ur-Chlouvānem was very conservative, retaining most traits of Proto-Lahob morphology. However, it did develop some traits unique to Chlouvānem, not present in the Core Lahob languages:
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===Pronunciations===
===Pronunciations===
It’s not easy to define “dialects” for Chlouvānem, due to this history: all true dialects of Chlouvānem eventually developed into distinct vernaculars, and today’s regional variations are as such defined as “pronunciations” of Chlouvānem, in some cases moderately divergent from the standard one. Chlouvānem sources refer to them as ''babhrāyāṃsai'' “land-sounds”, but they do not only vary in pronunciation. Each major geographic area of the [[Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition|Inquisition]] has its own pronunciation; present-day standard Chlouvānem is based on the pronunciation in the city of Līlasuṃghāṇa around year 6350, but the local pronunciation has somewhat diverged, so that the city where the traditional pronunciation is closest to the standard is Ajāɂilbāḍhi, some 300 km further west.
All true dialects of Chlouvānem eventually developed into distinct vernaculars, so that the diatopical variation of contemporary Chlouvānem are referred to as '''pronunciations''' (in Chl. ''babhrāyāṃsai'', sg. ''babhrāyāṃsa'', literally "land-sound"), a somewhat misleading term given that they do not just vary in pronunciation (with prosody being often the main point of divergence), but even more in vocabulary.<br/>
Local pronunciations are typically divided in six major groups by geographic areas:
Pronunciations are grouped in broad areas which more or less overlap with the cultural macroregions (the administrative Tribunals) and with the distribution of the subgroupings of the Chlouvānem ethnicity. Local pronunciations are generally not tied to a specific ethnic group, only to the area they're spoken in, and they show significantly less variation than vernaculars.
* Jade Coast, Rainforest, and Eastern Plain (''lūṇḍhyalimvi nanayi no naleidhoyi no''), including pronunciations of the eastern part of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, the Jade Coast, and its interior (the main Chlouvānem heartlands and the northern parts of the rainforest). Standard Chlouvānem is one of these.
* Western Plain and Sand Coast (''samvāldhoyi chleblimvi no''), including the whole western part of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain and the Sand Coast in the central-western Inquisition.
* Far Eastern (''lallanalejñuñci''), including the Far Eastern part of the Inquisition (both mainland and insular); the dioceses of the so-called Near East are frequently considered a transitional zone between this and the Eastern Plain pronunciation group.
* Eastern (''nalejñuñci''), in the Chlouvānem East (the former Toyubeshi area).
* Northeastern (''helaṣyuñci''), in the Northeast of the Inquisition; note that the most remote areas (the far northern taiga and the insular part), due to continuous and relatively recent immigration, have a pronunciation still closer to Standard Chlouvānem.
* Western (''samvālyuñci''), in the Western dioceses and in the coasts of the desert. As these were formerly Dabuke areas, they use distinctly more Dabuke terms than all other speakers.


Areas that do not fit in any of these groupings are often recent colonizations (or “Chlouvānemizations”), like e.g. the northern coast on the Skyrdegan Inner Sea, that do not have a truly distinct pronunciation, being a mix of speakers from different areas and tending to be very close to Standard Chlouvānem.
Chlouvānem pronunciations are generally grouped as follows:
* Jade Coastal, Eastern Plain, and Southern (''lūṇḍhyalimvi naleidhoyi no nyuvyuñci no''), broadly corresponding to the tribunals of the Jade Coast, Southern Plain, the South, the Eastern Plain, the Līrah River Hills, and parts of the Northern and Central Plain. Standard Chlouvānem is based on one of these pronunciations;
* Western Plain (''samvāldhoyi''), corresponding to the tribunals of the Western Plain, parts of the Northern and Central Plain, and the Inland Southwest;
* Southeastern (''talehiyuñci''), used in the tribunals of the Near East, the Southern Far East, and the Southeastern Islands;
* Eastern (''nalejñuñci''), used in the Northern Far East and in the East;
* Northeastern and Hålvarami (''helaṣyuñci hålvarami no''), used in the Northeast and in the Hålvaram plateau;
* Sand Coastal (''chleblimvi''), including the pronunciations of the Coastal Southwest, small parts of the Inland Southwest, and the eastern part of the Western tribunal;
* Western (''samvālyuñci''), in most of the West and in the Far West (the eastern part of the historical Dabuke areas).
 
The remaining areas are those of more recent Chlouvānemization, and aside from not having a distinct subgroup of the Chlouvānem ethnicity, they also don't have distinct pronunciation features, being closer to Standard Chlouvānem. Many of these areas also don't have a general Chlouvānem-derived vernacular and so in urban areas the standard language is used even in the most informal contexts. These areas include Hokujaši and Aratāram island as well as Kēhamijāṇa in the Northeast; the Hivampaida and Måhañjaiṭa in the North; virtually all of the Northwest; and the two island groups not part of any tribunal: the Kāmilbausa islands due south of the Western tribunal and the Kāyīchah islands off the eastern coast of Védren.<br/>Chlouvānem as spoken in countries of the former Kaiṣamā (and especially Kŭyŭgwažtow) is sometimes included in this category, although the prominence of contact with the local official languages has rendered those variants quite distinct in vocabulary and sometimes in the phonemic inventory too.


===Vernaculars===
===Vernaculars===
Most local vernaculars of the Inquisition (''babhrāmaivai'', sg. ''babhrāmaiva'', literally “land word(s)”) are, linguistically, the daughter languages of Classical Chlouvānem. They are the result of normal language evolution with, in most areas, enormous influences by substrata.
Most local vernaculars of the Inquisition (''babhrāmaivai'', sg. ''babhrāmaiva'', literally “land word(s)”) are, linguistically, the daughter languages of Classical Chlouvānem. They are the result of normal language evolution with, in most areas, enormous influences by substrata.


Actually, only a bit more than half of the Inquisition has a vernacular that is a true daughter language - most areas conquered in the last 600 years, thus since the late 6th millennium, speak a creole language, with an almost completely Chlouvānem lexicon and a grammar which shows semplifications and Chlouvānem-odd traits uncommon to languages of the heartlands. It is however widely agreed on that the Eastern Chlouvānem languages, despite being considered true daughter languages, have a large and long creolization history.
Actually, only a bit more than half of the Inquisition has a vernacular that is a true daughter language - most areas conquered in the last 600 years, thus since the late 6th millennium, speak a creole language, with an almost completely Chlouvānem lexicon and a grammar which shows simplifications and Chlouvānem-odd traits uncommon to languages of the heartlands. It is however widely agreed on that the Eastern Chlouvānem languages, despite being considered true daughter languages, have a large and long creolization history.


The main division for local vernaculars - or Chlouvānem languages - is the one in groups, as few of them are standardized and large areas are dialect continua where it is extremely difficult to determine which dialects belong to a particular language and which ones do not. Furthermore, most people speak of their vernacular as “the word of [village name]”, and always refer to them as local variants of the same Chlouvānem language, without major distinctions from the national language which is always Classical Chlouvānem<ref>It's just as if speakers of Parisian French, Florentine Tuscan and Carioca Brazilian would still say they spoke dialects of (Classical) Latin.</ref>. Individual “languages” are thus simply defined starting from the diocese they’re spoken in, so for example the Nanašīrami language includes all dialects spoken in the diocese of Nanašīrama, despite those spoken in the eastern parts of the diocese being closer to those spoken in Takajñanta than to the Nanašīrami dialect of [[Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition/Līlasuṃghāṇa|Līlasuṃghāṇa]] - which has, however, lots of common points with the Lanamilūki Valley dialects of Talæñoya to the south.<br/> Note that the word ''maiva'', in Chlouvānem, only identifies a language spoken in a certain area which is typically considered to belong to a wider language community, independent of its origin. It does not have any pejorative meaning of stigmatization, unlike examples like e.g. ''lingua'' vs. ''dialetto'' in Italian.
The main division for local vernaculars - or Chlouvānem languages - is the one in groups, as few of them are standardized and large areas are dialect continua where it is extremely difficult to determine which dialects belong to a particular language and which ones do not. Furthermore, most people speak of their vernacular as “the word of [village name]”, and always refer to them as local variants of the same Chlouvānem language, without major distinctions from the national language which is always Classical Chlouvānem<ref>It's just as if speakers of Parisian French, Florentine Tuscan and Carioca Brazilian would still say they spoke dialects of (Classical) Latin.</ref>. Individual “languages” are thus simply defined starting from the diocese they’re spoken in, so for example the Nanašīrami language includes all dialects spoken in the diocese of Nanašīrama, despite those spoken in the eastern parts of the diocese being closer to those spoken in Takajñanta than to the Nanašīrami dialect of [[Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition/Līlasuṃghāṇa|Līlasuṃghāṇa]] - which has, however, lots of common points with the Lanamilūki Valley dialects of Talæñoya to the south.<br/> Note that the word ''maiva'', in Chlouvānem, only identifies a language spoken in a certain area which is typically considered to belong to a wider language community, independent of its origin. It does not have any pejorative meaning of stigmatization, unlike examples like e.g. ''lingua'' vs. ''dialetto'' in Italian.
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* '''Jade Coast, Eastern Plain, Northern Plain, parts of the Central Plain'''
* '''Jade Coast, Eastern Plain, Northern Plain, parts of the Central Plain'''
** Eastern Plain and Jade Coast dialect continuum (''naleidhoyi lūṇḍhyalimvi no maivai'') — spoken in the eastern half of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, the Jade Coast (littoral and interior), and the northern part of the rainforest. If Chlouvānem itself is not counted as being spoken natively, then this dialect continuum constitutes Calémere's most spoken language by number of native speakers.
** Eastern Plain and Jade Coast dialect continuum (''naleidhoyi lūṇḍhyalimvi no maivai'') — spoken in the eastern half of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, the Jade Coast (littoral and interior), and the northern part of the rainforest. If Chlouvānem itself is not counted as being spoken natively, then this dialect continuum constitutes Calémere's most spoken language by number of native speakers.
** Northern Plain dialect continuum (''kehaṃdhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the northern Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, in the foothills of the Camipāṇḍa mountains. It has traits of both the Eastern Plain and the Western Plain continua, but also has its odd features common throughout the area but lacking in the other two groups. However, due to internal migration, the linguistic border is rather odd, especially the one with the Eastern Plain continuum: the contemporary vernacular of Mamaikala, the largest city of the Northern Plain, as well as nearby areas on the mid-Lāmberah river, is undoubtedly Eastern, despite being well into Northern-speaking territory.
** Northern Plain dialect continuum (''kehaṃdhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the northern Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, in the foothills of the Camipāṇḍa mountains. It has traits of both the Eastern Plain and the Western Plain continua, but also has its odd features common throughout the area but lacking in the other two groups. However, due to internal migration, the linguistic border is rather odd, especially the one with the Eastern Plain continuum: the contemporary vernacular of Mamaikala, the largest city of the Northern Plain, as well as nearby areas on the mid-Lāmberah river, is undoubtedly Eastern, despite being well into Northern-speaking territory.<br/>The areas from the Namaikaheh eastwards beyond the Līrah river were, in South Márusúturonian Antiquity, the heartlands of civilizations speaking Dayleshi languages: Ancient Namaikahi, Nenesic, and Pyotic. While these were written administrative languages at the time, and kept being used alongside Chlouvānem in the first centuries of Chlouvānemization, they left no descendants. While the amount of Dayleshi loanwords into Classical Chlouvānem is negligible, Dayleshi substrata have been identified for nearly the entirety of the Northern Plain dialect continuum<ref>The toponym ''Namaikaheh'' for the Northern Plain (most of the Lāmberah valley) is itself borrowed from the Lällshag adaptation of the original Ancient Namaikahi word.</ref>.
* '''Western Plain, Inland Southwest, parts of the Central Plain'''
* '''Western Plain, Inland Southwest, parts of the Central Plain'''
** Western Plain dialect continuum (''samvāldhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the western half of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, including the Inland Southwest
** Western Plain dialect continuum (''samvāldhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the western half of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, including the majority of the Inland Southwest.
** Southwestern Plain dialect continuum (''māħimdhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the southwestern part of the plain and small parts of the Inland Southwest. Unlike other Chlouvānem-origin dialect continua, these are the daughter languages not of Chlouvānem (indigenous - as in the Jade Coast - or introduced), but of the closely related Western Ancient Chlouvānem.
* '''South and Coastal Southwest'''
* '''South and Coastal Southwest'''
** Jungle language (''nanaimaiva'') — term for the Chlouvānem daughter language spoken across most of the South, including nearby islands. Due to the historical importance of Hālyanēṃṣah and Lūlunimarta in the Chlouvānem Age of Discovery, the ''nanaimaiva'' is sometimes considered one of the most prestigious vernaculars and, almost uniquely for a Chlouvānem vernacular, it has contributed quite a few words to foreign languages.
** Jungle language (''nanaimaiva'') — term for the Chlouvānem daughter language spoken across most of the South, including nearby islands. Due to the historical importance of Hālyanēṃṣah and Lūlunimarta in the Chlouvānem Age of Discovery, the ''nanaimaiva'' is sometimes considered one of the most prestigious vernaculars and, almost uniquely for a Chlouvānem vernacular, it has contributed quite a few words to foreign languages. A number of dialects derived from Lūlunimarti known by the name of ''Kaikhūñi'' are spoken in various linguistic islands on the coast of the Far East, in historic trading posts of the Lūlunimarti Republic.
** Many inland villages in the rainforest have their own local language, often not related to Chlouvānem. Large parts of the area are therefore trilingual, with the local language being spoken alongside Classical Chlouvānem and a local ''nanaimaiva'' dialect - often described as being "Hālyanēṃṣah-type", "Kælšamīṇṭa-type", or "Lūlunimarta-type" from its similarity to the three main dialects.
** Many inland villages in the rainforest have their own local language, often not related to Chlouvānem. Large parts of the area are therefore trilingual, with the local language being spoken alongside Classical Chlouvānem and a local ''nanaimaiva'' dialect - often described as being "Hālyanēṃṣah-type", "Kælšamīṇṭa-type", or "Lūlunimarta-type" from its similarity to the three main dialects.
** Sand Coast dialect continuum (''chleblimvi maivai'') — spoken across the Sand Coast, i.e. the Coastal Southwest tribunal. The dialects of Vāstarilēnia, at the southwesternmost tip of the main subcontinental body, have mixed Sand Coastal and ''nanaimaiva'' traits.
** Sand Coast dialect continuum (''chleblimvi maivai'') — spoken across the Sand Coast, i.e. the Coastal Southwest tribunal. The dialects of Vāstarilīmva, at the southwesternmost tip of the main subcontinental body, have mixed Sand Coastal and ''nanaimaiva'' traits.
* '''Near East'''
* '''Near East'''
** Near Eastern dialect continuum (''mūtyānalejñutei maivai'') — a dialect continuum spoken in the Near East, the area roughly between Āgrajātia and Yambrajātia in the west and the Cāllikāneh mountains in the east.
** Near Eastern dialect continuum (''mūtyānalejñutei maivai'') — a dialect continuum spoken in the Near East, the area roughly between Āgrajaiṭa and Yambrajaiṭa in the west and the Cāllikāneh mountains in the east.
** Rǣrumi (''ræ:æron u xæræž''; Chl.: ''rǣrumi dhāḍa'') — the Fargulyn language (distantly related to [[Skyrdagor]]) of the historically nomadic Rǣrai, which were settled in Kaiṣamā times in a hilly area between the Near East and the Northern Far East, nowadays the semi-ethnic diocese of Rǣrajāṇai.
** Rǣrumi (''ræ:æron u xæræž''; Chl.: ''rǣrumi dhāḍa'') — the Fargulyn language (distantly related to [[Skyrdagor]]) of the historically nomadic Rǣrai, which were settled in Kaiṣamā times in a hilly area between the Near East and the Northern Far East, nowadays the semi-ethnic diocese of Rǣrajāṇai.
** Kanoë-Pulin languages (''kanoyēpulin ga dhāḍai'') — a language family mostly spoken in the Kahaludāh mountains and hills in Yarañšūṇa, Tumidajātia, and parts of Kotaijātia and Naitontā. Tumidumi (''sokaw y eetumið''; Chl. ''tumidumi dhāḍa''), spoken by the Tumidai people of the ethnic diocese of Tumidajātia, is by far the most spoken.
** Kanoë-Pulin languages (''kanoyēpulin ga dhāḍai'') — a language family mostly spoken in the Kahaludāh mountains and hills in Yarañšūṇa, Tumidajaiṭa, and parts of Kotaijaiṭa and Naitontā. Tumidumi (''sokaw y eetumið''; Chl. ''tumidumi dhāḍa''), spoken by the Tumidai people of the ethnic diocese of Tumidajaiṭa, is by far the most spoken.
** Kotayumi (''kotaii šot''; Chl. ''kotayumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language (likely distantly related to the Kanoë-Pulin family) spoken by the Kotayai, indigenous people of the ethnic diocese of Kotaijātia.
** Kotayumi (''kotaii šot''; Chl. ''kotayumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language (likely distantly related to the Kanoë-Pulin family) spoken by the Kotayai, indigenous people of the ethnic diocese of Kotaijaiṭa.
** Kitaldian languages (''kitaludumi dhāḍai'') – historically spoken in southern Pēmbajaiṭa, in the Rǣrajāṇai, and in most of western and northern Lakṝṣyāṇa; this remains their present-day distribution, but mostly in rural and mountainous areas.
** Kitaldian languages (''kitaludumi dhāḍai'') – historically spoken in southern Pēmbajaiṭa, in the Rǣrajāṇai, and in most of western and northern Lakṝṣyāṇa; this remains their present-day distribution, but mostly in rural and mountainous areas.
* '''Southern Far East and Southeastern islands'''
* '''Southern Far East and Southeastern islands'''
** Katamadelī (''katamadelī maivai'') — dialect continuum of Chlouvānem daughter languages spoken on the western coast of the Far East and its interior, from far southern Pēmbajātia up to the southeasternmost tip near Ehaliħombu. ''Katamadelē'' is a traditional, pre-Chlouvānem name for today's Lakṝṣyāṇa diocese, later extended to the whole area.
** Katamadelī (''katamadelī maivai'') — dialect continuum of Chlouvānem daughter languages spoken on the western coast of the Far East and its interior, from far southern Pēmbajaiṭa up to the southeasternmost tip near Ehaliħombu. ''Katamadelē'' is a traditional, pre-Chlouvānem name for today's Lakṝṣyāṇa diocese, later extended to the whole area.
** Naleilimvi (''naleilimvi maivai'') — the dialect continuum of Chlouvānem daughter languages spoken - as the name says - on the eastern coast (''naleilimva'') of the Far East, from Torašitā in the north to Daihāgaiya in the south.
** Naleilimvi (''naleilimvi maivai'') — the dialect continuum of Chlouvānem daughter languages spoken - as the name says - on the eastern coast (''naleilimva'') of the Far East, from Torašitā in the north to Daihāgaiya in the south.
** Hūnakañumi (''huwănaganь sisāt''; Chl. ''hūnakañumi dhāḍa'') — the Yalikamian language of the Hūnakañai, the indigenous people of the ethnic diocese of Hūnakañjaiṭa; as with many Near- and Far Eastern languages, it belongs to the Yalikamian languages. It is however spoken only in sparsely populated hilly areas, and the diocese is predominantly Chlouvānem, including the macroregional metropolis and tenth-largest city of the Inquisition, Līlekhaitē.
** Hūnakañumi (''huwănaganь sisāt''; Chl. ''hūnakañumi dhāḍa'') — the Yalikamian language of the Hūnakañai, the indigenous people of the ethnic diocese of Hūnakañjaiṭa; as with many Near- and Far Eastern languages, it belongs to the Yalikamian languages. It is however spoken only in sparsely populated hilly areas, and the diocese is predominantly Chlouvānem, including the macroregional metropolis and tenth-largest city of the Inquisition, Līlekhaitē.
** Tendukumi (''tănduk sisod''; Chl. ''tendukumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language spoken by the Tendukai people of the ethnic diocese of Tendukijātia. By percentage of speakers in its native area, it is one of the most spoken languages among officially recognized ones in ethnic diocese, with about 41% of people in Tendukijātia speaking it. The diocese, however, is the least populated in the tribunal.
** Tendukumi (''tănduk sisod''; Chl. ''tendukumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language spoken by the Tendukai people of the ethnic diocese of Tendukijaiṭa. By percentage of speakers in its native area, it is one of the most spoken languages among officially recognized ones in ethnic diocese, with about 41% of people in Tendukijaiṭa speaking it. The diocese, however, is the least populated in the tribunal.
** Niyobumi (''niyyube sesaϑ''; Chl. ''niyobumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language spoken in the hilly areas of Niyobajātia ethnic diocese.
** Niyobumi (''niyyube sesaϑ''; Chl. ''niyobumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language spoken in the hilly areas of Niyobajaiṭa ethnic diocese.
** other Yalikamian languages (''yalikamyumi dhāḍai'') – thirteen indigenous languages in Yamyenai as well as Kondabumi, which is however often considered a transitional dialect continuum between Hūnakañumi and Tendukumi.
** other Yalikamian languages (''yalikamyumi dhāḍai'') – thirteen indigenous languages in Yamyenai as well as Kondabumi, which is however often considered a transitional dialect continuum between Hūnakañumi and Tendukumi.
** Kaldaic languages (''kaldani dhāḍai'') – before Chlouvānemization, the main language family spoken on the littoral from central-eastern Lakṝṣyāṇa to Daihāgajña; in most of Hūnakañjaiṭa it was first replaced by Hūnakañumi, whose speakers came from inland. Today a few of these languages remain, in non-contiguous areas, including far eastern Lakṝṣyāṇa and the southeastern Rǣrajāṇai, eastern Hūnakañjaiṭa, the Ṭilva mountains of Yayadalga, as well as the insular part of that diocese, and insular and coastal western Daihāgajña.
** Kaldaic languages (''kaldani dhāḍai'') – before Chlouvānemization, the main language family spoken on the littoral from central-eastern Lakṝṣyāṇa to Daihāgajña; in most of Hūnakañjaiṭa it was first replaced by Hūnakañumi, whose speakers came from inland. Today a few of these languages remain, in non-contiguous areas, including far eastern Lakṝṣyāṇa and the southeastern Rǣrajāṇai, eastern Hūnakañjaiṭa, the Ṭilva mountains of Yayadalga, as well as the insular part of that diocese, and insular and coastal western Daihāgajña.
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===Writing===
===Writing===
The Chlouvānem script is almost entirely composed of curved lines as, initially, it was written on leaves with reeds (''ħålka'', pl. ''ħålkai'') or brushes (''lattah'', pl. ''lattai''). With the invention, in the late 5th millennium, of paper (traditional Chlouvānem paper or ''mirtah'' is handmade by fibres from various types of wooden bushes; traditional papermaking is still important today as formal handwritten documents are usually written on traditional paper), the use of reeds or brushes often became region-dependant; the reeds of the ''ñagala'' plant became the dominant writing tool in most of the plains, as this plant abundantly grows by the river shores; in the Jade Coast, brushes (whose "hair" are actually fibres of wetland plants such as the ''jalihā'') were preferred.<br/>
The Chlouvānem script is almost entirely composed of curved lines as, initially, it was written on leaves with reeds (''ħålka'', pl. ''ħålkai'') or brushes (''lattah'', pl. ''lattai''). With the invention, in the late 5th millennium, of paper (traditional Chlouvānem paper or ''mirtah'' is handmade by fibres from various types of wooden bushes; traditional papermaking is still important today as formal handwritten documents are usually written on traditional paper), the use of reeds or brushes often became region-dependant; the reeds of the ''grāṇiva'' plant became the dominant writing tool in most of the plains, as this plant abundantly grows by the river shores; in the Jade Coast, brushes (whose "hair" are actually fibres of wetland plants such as the ''jalihā'') were preferred.<br/>
Today, pens (''titeh'', pl. ''tityai'') are the main writing tool together with graphite pencils (''bauteh'', pl. ''bautyai''). Non-refillable dip pens were the first to be introduced - an Evandorian invention that was "seized" by the Chlouvānem during the early 7th millennium occupation of Kátra, a Nordûlaki colony on Ovítioná - and with the advent of industrial papermaking they became more and more popular; fountain pens were evolved from them first in Nivaren, and in 6291 (3785<sub>12</sub>) the first fountain pen manufacturer in the Inquisition opened. Ballpoint pens are, on Calémere, a much recent invention, and first appeared in the Inquisition about forty years ago. They are still not used as much as fountain pens when writing on normal paper.<br/>
Today, pens (''titeh'', pl. ''tityai'') are the main writing tool together with graphite pencils (''bauteh'', pl. ''bautyai''). Non-refillable dip pens were the first to be introduced - an Evandorian invention that was "seized" by the Chlouvānem during the early 7th millennium occupation of Kátra, a Nordûlaki colony on Ovítioná - and with the advent of industrial papermaking they became more and more popular; fountain pens were evolved from them first in Nivaren, and in 6291 (3785<sub>12</sub>) the first fountain pen manufacturer in the Inquisition opened. Ballpoint pens are, on Calémere, a much recent invention, and first appeared in the Inquisition about forty years ago. They are still not used as much as fountain pens when writing on normal paper.<br/>
The traditional ''ħålkai'' and ''lattai'' have not disappeared, as both are still found and used - even if only with traditional handmade paper. Both are commonly used for calligraphy as well as in various other uses: for example, [[w:Banzuke|banzuke]] papers for tournaments of most traditional sports are carefully handwritten with reed pens, as are many announcements by local temples (written with either reed pens or brushes); a newer type of brush pen (much like Japanese [[w:Fudepen|fudepen]]s) has proven to be particularly popular even in everyday use (both with traditional and modern industrial paper) in the Jade Coast area - many Great Inquisitors from there, including incumbent Hæliyǣšavi Dhṛṣṭāvāyah ''Lairē'', have been seen writing official document with such kind of pens.
The traditional ''ħålkai'' and ''lattai'' have not disappeared, as both are still found and used - even if only with traditional handmade paper. Both are commonly used for calligraphy as well as in various other uses: for example, [[w:Banzuke|banzuke]] papers for tournaments of most traditional sports are carefully handwritten with reed pens, as are many announcements by local temples (written with either reed pens or brushes); a newer type of brush pen (much like Japanese [[w:Fudepen|fudepen]]s) has proven to be particularly popular even in everyday use (both with traditional and modern industrial paper) in the Jade Coast area - many Great Inquisitors from there, including incumbent Hæliyǣšavi Dhṛṣṭāvāyah ''Lairē'', have been seen writing official document with such kind of pens.
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Non-Lahob roots are traditionally classified in the following way, depending on their geographical origin:
Non-Lahob roots are traditionally classified in the following way, depending on their geographical origin:
* Words from pre-Inquisitorial indigenous languages of the Plain and of the Jade Coast (''dhoyi olelų maivai''), most of them sparsely attested such as Ancient Yodhvāsi, Tamukāyi, Laiputaši, Old Kāṃradeši, and Aṣasṝkhami. possibly forming the majority of roots. Early Chlouvānem, soon after the Ur-Chlouvānem settled in the lower Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, was enriched by a very large number of roots taken from local languages. Such words are found in all semantic fields, and are particularly numerous in words for the family, plants, animals, and the earliest artifacts and practices of settled civilization.
* Words from pre-Inquisitorial indigenous languages of the Plain and of the Jade Coast (''dhoyi olelų maivai''), most of them sparsely attested such as Ancient Yodhvāsi, Tamukāyi, Laiputaši, Old Kāṃradeši, and Aṣasṝkhami. possibly forming the majority of roots. Early Chlouvānem, soon after the Ur-Chlouvānem settled in the lower Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, was enriched by a very large number of roots taken from local languages. Such words are found in all semantic fields, and are particularly numerous in words for the family, plants, animals, and the earliest artifacts and practices of settled civilization.
* Lällshag words (''lælšñenīs maivai'') – divided in two large groups, that is, words that were borrowed from Lällshag in ancient times, pertaining to many semantic fields but mostly early technology (the Lällshag people were the first urban civilization in that area of the world); and a second group of modern scientific vocabulary that has been being coined since the start of the modern era from Lällshag roots.
* Lällshag words (''lælšñenīs maivai'') – divided in two large groups, that is, words that were borrowed from Lällshag in ancient times, pertaining to many semantic fields but mostly early technology (the Lällshag people were the first urban civilization in that area of the world) or used as more formal, higher-styled alternatives to Lahob or pre-Chlouvānem words; and a second group of modern scientific vocabulary that has been being coined since the start of the modern era from Lällshag roots; these often show more semantical drift, as they are often borrowed in more abstract or specific senses.
* Southern, Far Eastern, Toyubeshian, and Dabuke words (''maichleyuñcų lallanaleiyuñcų no tayubešenīs no dabukyenīs no maivai'') – that is, words taken from the languages of the territories of the first millennium of expansion of the Chlouvānem world. They mostly relate to natural and cultural features of those territories, with Toyubeshian words being particularly important because they form most of the Chlouvānem words relating to a temperate climate area; whatever proto-Lahob roots that had survived the Ur-Chlouvānem migrations were mostly readapted to the tropical climate they had settled in; as a striking example, the Chlouvānem terms for the four main temperate seasons are all Toyubeshian borrowings.
* Southern, Far Eastern, Toyubeshian, and Dabuke words (''maichleyuñcų lallanaleiyuñcų no tayubešenīs no dabukyenīs no maivai'') – that is, words taken from the languages of the territories of the first millennium of expansion of the Chlouvānem world. They mostly relate to natural and cultural features of those territories, with Toyubeshian words being particularly important because they form most of the Chlouvānem words relating to a temperate climate area; whatever proto-Lahob roots that had survived the Ur-Chlouvānem migrations were mostly readapted to the tropical climate they had settled in; as a striking example, the Chlouvānem terms for the four main temperate seasons are all Toyubeshian borrowings.
* Skyrdegan words (''ṣurṭāgyenīs maivai'') – the Skyrdegan civilization was the first one too large and strong to be fully Chlouvānemized, and the languages of the Chlouvānem and Skyrdegan people have, for the last eight hundred years, exchanged words for their habitats (tropical to equatorial for the Chlouvānem; temperate to subpolar for the Skyrdegan) and all new discoveries in their cultural spheres; this keeps happening today, with the Skyrdegan countries being politically more open than the Inquisition and many Western cultural concepts reaching the Inquisition only through Skyrdegan mediation. The few words of Bronic and Qualdomelic origin are usually added to this group, despite the very different history (Brono and Qualdomailor were historically minor, less influential countries, whose present identity has been thoroughly influenced by the Chlouvānem spreading the Yunyalīlti faith among them).<br/>Words from Old Hålvarami are sometimes counted in this group, despite Old Hålvarami being a Fargulyn language related to Skyrdagor but from a different branch; the reason is that Old Hålvarami initially mediated the contact between the Chlouvānem and the Skyrdegan worlds, resulting in borrowings such as most notably ''ṣurṭāgah'' "Skyrdagor" (borrowed from Skyrdagor into Pre-Old Hålvarami and then into Chlouvānem) and ''pāṣratis'' (Calémerian cannabis plant).
* Skyrdegan words (''ṣurṭāgyenīs maivai'') – the Skyrdegan civilization was the first one too large and strong to be fully Chlouvānemized, and the languages of the Chlouvānem and Skyrdegan people have, for the last eight hundred years, exchanged words for their habitats (tropical to equatorial for the Chlouvānem; temperate to subpolar for the Skyrdegan) and all new discoveries in their cultural spheres; this keeps happening today, with the Skyrdegan countries being politically more open than the Inquisition and many Western cultural concepts reaching the Inquisition only through Skyrdegan mediation. The few words of Bronic and Qualdomelic origin are usually added to this group, despite the very different history (Brono and Qualdomailor were historically minor, less influential countries, whose present identity has been thoroughly influenced by the Chlouvānem spreading the Yunyalīlti faith among them).<br/>Words from Old Hålvarami are sometimes counted in this group, despite Old Hålvarami being a Fargulyn language related to Skyrdagor but from a different branch; the reason is that Old Hålvarami initially mediated the contact between the Chlouvānem and the Skyrdegan worlds, resulting in borrowings such as most notably ''ṣurṭāgah'' "Skyrdagor" (borrowed from Skyrdagor into Pre-Old Hålvarami and then into Chlouvānem) and ''pāṣratis'' (Calémerian cannabis plant).
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The First Book of the Chlamiṣvatrā (''yamei chlamiṣvatrī lahīla naviṣya'') is the first of the three Books of the Great Prophet, the most important among the holy books of the [[Verse:Yunyalīlta|Yunyalīlta]]. The first seven verses are probably the key to understand the whole faith, as it presents the foundations of its worldview; verses 4 and 5 are particularly considered important as they represent the relation between the Yunya, life, and the Lillamurḍhyā. Verse 8 introduces what is then explained in the rest of the chapter, that is, how Lelāgṇyāviti<ref>Literally "born of Lelāh"; the ''lelāh'' is a symbolic flower in the Yunyalīlta and generically in Chlouvānem culture.</ref>, the Chlamiṣvatrā (Great Prophet; literally "Golden master") came to meditate and build up her philosophy, which then she taught common people in all villages.
The First Book of the Chlamiṣvatrā (''yamei chlamiṣvatrī lahīla naviṣya'') is the first of the three Books of the Great Prophet, the most important among the holy books of the [[Verse:Yunyalīlta|Yunyalīlta]]. The first seven verses are probably the key to understand the whole faith, as it presents the foundations of its worldview; verses 4 and 5 are particularly considered important as they represent the relation between the Yunya, life, and the Lillamurḍhyā. Verse 8 introduces what is then explained in the rest of the chapter, that is, how Lelāgṇyāviti<ref>Literally "born of Lelāh"; the ''lelāh'' is a symbolic flower in the Yunyalīlta and generically in Chlouvānem culture.</ref>, the Chlamiṣvatrā (Great Prophet; literally "Golden master") came to meditate and build up her philosophy, which then she taught common people in all villages.


: '''1''' ⸫liloe mæn ⸫yunya ga brausire meinā dęi devenom mædhramu męlyēkæ linoe ।। '''2''' ⸫liloe pospurṣūyē saṃ gu<ref>Contraction of ''sama gu''. Note also the lack of ''ša'', the second part of the negative circumfix, which was still optional in early Chlouvānem.</ref> jejiltsūyētuh<ref>''-tuh'' is an earlier form of ''-tū'', the antibenefactive trigger marker. Its form ''-tur'', still used when not final, shows how ''-tuh'' was the regular development (Proto-Lahob *r > Chl. '''h''' word-finally).</ref> ⸫yunya ga meinā nali samindevenyumi lalla laurāyana mæn '''3''' drālteninīka<ref>Literally "with respects". In early and also classical Chlouvānem, such constructions are commonly used to express roughly the idea expressed by "-fully" adverbs in English.</ref> maiyau ñæltānu lātamilkīnam main yanyåh lilenom maiyau meinū āntaḍhūlīnam no ।। '''4''' ⸫yunya mæn meiyā lilenī hīmbenīka nīteboñjñāhai '''5''' sama brausameinælilūrah įstimē lillamurḍhyā ga demeni lilentugap lilah ।। '''6''' ⸫yunya mū lilaidhvap natehamvyek sama lilūrah demyā meinæhamvyenu tattemęlyē mū tami pa ḍhāvildente no ।। '''7''' ⸫dralkye<ref>"Men"; in archaic Chlouvānem, it was customary to use "man" for "human". The influx of the Yunyalīlta was actually a large factor in the later use of ''lila'' (person) for the same meaning.</ref> mæn āndre meinī yaivų bausų nanū ħaṣṭirena sama dǣ dǣ no<ref>"Again and again". In modern Chlouvānem it has become a single word, ''dīdān''.</ref> līlti bīḍhovah : garpire grošpire virdu nītemilkāhai no ।। '''8''' ⸫dralkagarpā mæn lelyē nanū kailirāhe āñjulyom lilyā larḍhīka bīdumbhek ।।
: '''1''' ⸫liloe mæn ⸫yunya ga brausire meinā dęi devenom mædhramu męlyēkæ linoe ।। '''2''' ⸫liloe pospurṣūyē saṃ gu<ref>Contraction of ''sama gu''. Note also the lack of ''ša'', the second part of the negative circumfix, which was still optional in early Chlouvānem.</ref> jejiltsūyētuh<ref>''-tuh'' is an earlier form of ''-tū'', the antibenefactive trigger marker. Its form ''-tur'', still used when not final, shows how ''-tuh'' was the regular development (Proto-Lahob *r > Chl. '''h''' word-finally).</ref> ⸫yunya ga meinā nali samindevenyumi lalla laurāyana mæn '''3''' drālteninīka<ref>Literally "with respects". In early and also classical Chlouvānem, such constructions are commonly used to express roughly the idea expressed by "-fully" adverbs in English.</ref> maiyau ñæltānu lātamilkīnam main yanyåh lilenom maiyau meinū āntaḍhūlīnam no ।। '''4''' ⸫yunya mæn meiyā lilenī hīmbenīka nīteboñjñāhai '''5''' sama brausameinælilūrah įstimē lillamurḍhyā ga demeni lilentugap lilah ।। '''6''' ⸫yunya mū lilaidhvap natehamvyek sama lilūrah demyā meinæhamvyenu tattemęlyē mū tami pa ḍhāvildente no ।। '''7''' ⸫dralkye<ref>"Men"; in archaic Chlouvānem, it was customary to use "man" for "human". The influx of the Yunyalīlta was actually a large factor in the later use of ''lila'' (person) for the same meaning.</ref> mæn āndre meinī yaivų bausų širē ħaṣṭirena sama dǣ dǣ no<ref>"Again and again". In modern Chlouvānem it has become a single word, ''dīdān''.</ref> līlti bīḍhovah : garpire grošpire virdu nītemilkāhai no ।। '''8''' ⸫dralkagarpā mæn lelyē širē kailirāhe āñjulyom lilyā larḍhīka bīdumbhek ।।


'''1''' life.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>TOPIC</small>. Yunya.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>ADP</small>. be_holy-<small>IND.PRES.3S.INTR</small>. mother-<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>REFL.ERG</small>. soul-<small>DAT.SG</small>. body-<small>ACC.SG</small> give-<small>IND.PRES.3S.EXTR-BENEF</small>. process.<small>DIR.SG</small>.<br/>
'''1''' life.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>TOPIC</small>. Yunya.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>ADP</small>. be_holy-<small>IND.PRES.3S.INTR</small>. mother-<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>REFL.ERG</small>. soul-<small>DAT.SG</small>. body-<small>ACC.SG</small> give-<small>IND.PRES.3S.EXTR-BENEF</small>. process.<small>DIR.SG</small>.<br/>
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: nanān lairēn asenāya lut ñumirābhe – nanān heirlaukan gu emibe jāyim marciṭ chi gu nomire ša! halkenīs yanomuhima daše šutimīnam keikom kaumṛcābhe. daša mæn junyahiyunyi jaṃšē gātarake berdē e. bunā mæn maildvārmu maikevemęlyima nāṭ, væse, pābunā ~daṃdhigūlan ga glūkam no lahīla kalirāhe nānyaih khārgaltyų kautemilūgba kælitsaih māraih no vārīkaih no baubaih no guṃsabate no.
: nanān lairēn asenāya lut ñumirābhe – nanān heirlaukan gu emibe jāyim marciṭ chi gu nomire ša! halkenīs yanomuhima daše šutimīnam keikom kaumṛcābhe. daša mæn junyahiyunyi jaṃšē gātarake berdē e. bunā mæn maildvārmu maikevemęlyima nāṭ, væse, pābunā ~daṃdhigūlan ga glūkam no lahīla kalirāhe nānyaih khārgaltyų kautemilūgba kælitsaih māraih no vārīkaih no baubaih no guṃsabate no.
: nilāmulka mæn maildvārmom nañelīsa tainā lili no ṣveye primirtaram ñumirlam. lairē lǣliriṣya tati lenak tṛlirlam, naina mæn mojende heirom tī sora lairēnīs guviṣmiya nañelīsa, samātiya jånirāh kamikyai lahīla jaloe nīk. jånirāh blikēva lenta lę māmei lairęs lut tatekīlla. meinā buneyāt lili no nali jilkire bhadvat usmura dhānęs keikom nañelīsa - įsanā lairyom yūñjā jånirai.
: nilāmulka mæn maildvārmom nañelīsa tainā lili no ṣveye primirtaram ñumirlam. lairē lǣliriṣya tati lenak tṛlirlam, naina mæn mojende heirom tī sora lairēnīs guviṣmiya nañelīsa, samātiya jånirāh kamikyai lahīla jaloe nīk. jånirāh blikēva lenta lę māmei lairęs lut tatekīlla. meinā buneyāt lili no nali jilkire bhadvat usmura dhānęs keikom nañelīsa - įsanā lairyom yūñjā jånirai.
: tainā mæn jñūṃris halimendē bahīrų sumenīs heicādrī nadāmē, samisīsiṭ urutha nānumi hanaṃharyana lairū smaurildekte. nilāmulka mæn yanelīsa jånirū kamitekyāk tainā væse heicāp nusmīte vadį mutirī dāmek no, sama bahīrah gu mimendenāk ša tatte naina nañajolta nilāmulku lū no tora lijake natedāmildek. nilāmulka mæn meinā murku milūkte sama dhāne danihaicē tarṣanu junyekte daṃdhigūlan væse murkirba vārṇaigīṣa kamitejunāyēt tadāmek.
: tainā mæn jñūṃris halimendē bahīrų sumenīs heicādrī nadāmē, samisīsiṭ urutha nānumi hanaṃharyana lairū smaurildekte. nilāmulka mæn yanelīsa jånirū kamitekyāk tainā væse heicāp nusmīte vadį mutirī dāmek no, sama bahīrah gu mimendenāk ša tatte naina nañajolta nilāmulku lū no tan lijake natedāmildek. nilāmulka mæn meinā murku milūkte sama dhāne danihaicē tarṣanu junyekte daṃdhigūlan væse murkirba vārṇaigīṣa kamitejunāyēt tadāmek.
: naina mæn tamvæse jaṃšom ejyek chi, dildhā geta no pa liju tī lilyåh minnūlyom chi natelijek, sama meinā lę gu emibunaise naini lenta dāšikē mūmikati bīsturmųk, jaṃšom ñæñuchlire jilkire jånirē kamyakyā nilāmulka ni dilsiṭ dṛkte. tainā yanelīsa lairyom nacu ilakakte, mutirau væse, nainęs lā ħuldekte. ħærviṣe ājvalunāyom dāmaram ñikire naina væse meinei bhik.
: naina mæn tamvæse jaṃšom ejyek chi, dildhā geta no pa liju tī lilyåh minnūlyom chi natelijek, sama meinā lę gu emibunaise naini lenta dāšikē mūmikati bīsturmųk, jaṃšom ñæñuchlire jilkire jånirē kamyakyā nilāmulka ni dilsiṭ dṛkte. tainā yanelīsa lairyom nacu ilakakte, mutirau væse, nainęs lā ħuldekte. ħærviṣe ājvalunāyom dāmaram ñikire naina væse meinei bhik.


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==="To have more, we must produce more"===
==="To have more, we must produce more"===
: nanū cārīnaṃte, nanū hegivsūyē.
: širē cārīnaṃte, širē hegivsūyē.
: nanū givī, nanū tartṛlyirata.
: širē givī, širē tartṛlyirata.


more. have.<small>SUBJ.IMPF-EXP-1PL.EXTERIOR-AGENT</small>. more. produce-<small>NECESS.IND.PRES-EXP-3SG.PATIENT.EXTERIOR</small>.<br/>
more. have.<small>SUBJ.IMPF-EXP-1PL.EXTERIOR-AGENT</small>. more. produce-<small>NECESS.IND.PRES-EXP-3SG.PATIENT.EXTERIOR</small>.<br/>
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==External history==
==External history==
''Chlouvānem'' is the language I – ''[[User:Lili21|lilie21]]'' – consider my main conlang, as it is my [[Verse:Calémere|Calémere]] conworld project's most developed and a spiritual successor of all conlangs I've created focussing the most on ever since I was a kid (well, to be fair the earliest ones were just natlang-mimicking relexes). Due to this, while mainly thought for my conworld, it is, more than any other conlang of mine, on the border between being an artlang or a heartlang.
''Chlouvānem'' is the language I – ''[[User:Lili21|lilie21]]'' – consider my main conlang, as it is my [[Verse:Calémere|Calémere]] conworld project's most developed and a spiritual successor of all conlangs I've created focussing the most on ever since I was a kid (well, to be fair the earliest ones were just natlang-mimicking relexes). Due to this, while mainly thought for my conworld, it is, more than any other conlang of mine, on the border between being an [[Artistic language|artlang]] or a heartlang.


Chlouvānem is an a priori language, yet it takes inspiration from about a dozen natlangs in aesthetics, morphophonology, syntax, though mainly by taking a starting point and then developing those features as I want and as they fit together best. ''Sanskrit'', ''Lithuanian'', and ''Persian'' are the languages I was most inspired by, and there are to various extents other influences by ''Russian'', ''Adyghe'', ''Hindustani'', ''Japanese'', ''Proto-Indo-European'', ''Old Tupi'', ''Matses'', ''Tucano'', ''Nambikwara'', and ''Ancient Greek'', as well as its in-world use which is inspired by ''Arabic'' and ''Chinese languages''. Overall it might seem IE at a first glance, but it is radically different in a few points which make it strikingly different (like the combination of Austronesian alignment, topic-prominence, and strongly head-final syntax).
Chlouvānem is an a priori language, yet it takes inspiration from about a dozen natlangs in aesthetics, morphophonology, syntax, though mainly by taking a starting point and then developing those features as I want and as they fit together best. ''Sanskrit'', ''Lithuanian'', and ''Persian'' are the languages I was most inspired by, and there are to various extents other influences by ''Russian'', ''Adyghe'', ''Hindustani'', ''Japanese'', ''Proto-Indo-European'', ''Old Tupi'', ''Matses'', ''Tucano'', ''Nambikwara'', and ''Ancient Greek'', as well as its in-world use which is inspired by ''Arabic'' and ''Chinese languages''. Overall it might seem IE at a first glance, but it is radically different in a few points which make it strikingly different (like the combination of Austronesian alignment, topic-prominence, and strongly head-final syntax).


The language itself used to be named ''chlouvānem'' in-world too, but then I changed historical phonology, removed the phoneme represented as ''ou'', so that it changed to ''chlǣvānem''. However, I had used the ''ou''-form for too long to change every reference to it in the English name too.
The language itself used to be named ''chlouvānem'' in-world too, but then I changed historical phonology, removed the phoneme represented as ''ou'', so that it changed to ''chlǣvānem''. However, I had used the ''ou''-form for too long to change every reference to it in the English name too.
'''Important note:''' Chlouvānem is, since late 2020 - early 2021, a completed conlang; a process of refinement and changes that I wanted to implement and started around that time eventually developed into [[Dundulanyä]], which I consider to be the spiritual successor of Chlouvānem, with lots of similarities (to the point that many words and many roots are exactly the same) but some different takes on certain features.


==See also==
==See also==
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