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単亜語/出身論: Difference between revisions
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(Created page with "== Dan'a'yo == {{Ruby|家庭|가덩}} {{Ruby|出身|춛신}} {{Ruby|問題|문테}} {{Ruby|是|서}} {{Ruby|長期|장키}} {{Ruby|厳重|욤총}} {{Ruby|社会|샤훠}} == Chinese == 出身论 by 遇罗克 on 1967/01/18 in 中学文革报 家庭出身问题是长期以来严重的社会问题。 这个问题牵涉面很广。如果说地富反坏右分子占全国人口的５％，那么他们的子女及其近亲就要比这个数字多好几倍。（还不算资本...") |
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== Dan'a'yo == | == Dan'a'yo == | ||
{{Ruby|家庭|가덩}} | {{Ruby|家庭|가덩}}{{Ruby|出身|춛신}}{{Ruby|問題|문테}} {{Ruby|是|서}} {{Ruby|長期|장키}}{{Ruby|以|이}} {{Ruby|厳重|욤총}}{{Ruby|社会|샤훠}}{{Ruby|問題。|문테.}} | ||
{{Ruby|出身|춛신}} | {{Ruby|此|처}}{{Ruby|問題|문테}} {{Ruby|広|광}}{{Ruby|様|양}}{{Ruby|牽引。|컨인.}} | ||
{{Ruby|問題|문테}} | |||
{{Ruby|是|서}} | {{Ruby|苟|곳}} {{Ruby|『地富反壊右』|'듸붓폰홰유'}}{{Ruby|分子|분지}} {{Ruby|是|서}} {{Ruby|全国|줜곡}}{{Ruby|人口|닌콧}}{{Ruby|百分之|박분티}}{{Ruby|五、|오,}} | ||
{{Ruby|長期|장키}} | {{Ruby|那|나}} {{Ruby|此人之|처닌티}}{{Ruby|子女|지뇻}}{{Ruby|与|요}}{{Ruby|近親|긴친}} {{Ruby|頗|파}}{{Ruby|多|다}} {{Ruby|此|처}}{{Ruby|数字|수지}}{{Ruby|比。|븨.}} | ||
{{Ruby|厳重|욤총}} | |||
{{Ruby|社会|샤훠}} | |||
== Chinese == | == Chinese == | ||
出身论 by 遇罗克 on 1967/01/18 in 中学文革报 | 出身论 by 遇罗克 on 1967/01/18 in 中学文革报 | ||
家庭出身问题是长期以来严重的社会问题。 | 家庭出身问题是长期以来严重的社会问题。 这个问题牵涉面很广。 | ||
如果说地富反坏右分子占全国人口的５％，那么他们的子女及其近亲就要比这个数字多好几倍。 | |||
（还不算资本家、历史不清白分子、高级知识分子的子女，更没有算上职员、富裕中农、中农阶级的子女）。不难设想，非红五类出身的青年是一个怎样庞大的数字。由于中国是一个落后的国家，解放前只有二百多万产业工人，所以真正出身于血统无产阶级家庭的并不多。这一大批出身不好的青年一般不能参军，不能做机要工作。因此，具体到个别单位，他们（非红五类）就占了绝对优势。 | |||
由于形“左”实右反动路线的影响，他们往往享受不到同等政治待遇。特别是所谓黑七类出身的青年，即“狗崽子”，已经成了准专政对象，他们是先天的“罪人”。在它的影响下，出身几乎决定了一切。出身不好不仅低人一等，甚至被剥夺了背叛自己的家庭、保卫党中央、保卫毛主席、参加红卫兵的权利。这一时期，有多少无辜青年，死于非命，溺死于唯出身论的深渊之中，面对这样严重的问题，任何一个关心国家命运的人，不能不正视，不能不研究。而那些貌似冷静和全面的折衷主义观点，实际上是冷酷和虚伪。我们不能不予以揭露、批判，起而捍卫毛主席的革命路线。下面我们就从毛主席著作和社会实践中寻找答案，分三个问题来阐述我们的观点。 | 由于形“左”实右反动路线的影响，他们往往享受不到同等政治待遇。特别是所谓黑七类出身的青年，即“狗崽子”，已经成了准专政对象，他们是先天的“罪人”。在它的影响下，出身几乎决定了一切。出身不好不仅低人一等，甚至被剥夺了背叛自己的家庭、保卫党中央、保卫毛主席、参加红卫兵的权利。这一时期，有多少无辜青年，死于非命，溺死于唯出身论的深渊之中，面对这样严重的问题，任何一个关心国家命运的人，不能不正视，不能不研究。而那些貌似冷静和全面的折衷主义观点，实际上是冷酷和虚伪。我们不能不予以揭露、批判，起而捍卫毛主席的革命路线。下面我们就从毛主席著作和社会实践中寻找答案，分三个问题来阐述我们的观点。 | ||
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The issue of family background has been a longstanding, serious social problem. It affects many areas. | The issue of family background has been a longstanding, serious social problem. It affects many areas. | ||
If landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists represent five percent of the country’s total population, then the number of their children and close relatives will be many times higher. (This does not even include the children of capitalists, individuals with dubious history, and elite intellectuals, much less the children of office workers, rich middle peasants, and middle peasants.) It is not difficult to imagine how high | If landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists represent five percent of the country’s total population, then the number of their children and close relatives will be many times higher. (This does not even include the children of capitalists, individuals with dubious history, and elite intellectuals, much less the children of office workers, rich middle peasants, and middle peasants.) It is not difficult to imagine how high the figure must be for young people from the Non-Red Five Categories. Since China is a backward country, with a little more than two million manufacturing workers before Liberation, there are not too many of those with pure proletarian-class family backgrounds. A great many young people with bad family backgrounds are generally not allowed to join military services and engage in classified work. Therefore, in particular work units, they (the Non-Red Five Categories) represent the absolute majority. | ||
the figure must be for young people from the Non-Red Five Categories. Since China is a backward country, with a little more than two million manufacturing workers before Liberation, there are not too many of those with pure proletarian-class family backgrounds. A great many young people with bad family backgrounds are generally not allowed to join military services and engage in classified work. Therefore, in particular work units, they (the | |||
Non-Red Five Categories) represent the absolute majority. | |||
Owing to the influence of the “Left” in form, but “Right” in essence, policy of the reactionary line, those youth have seldom received equal political treatment, especially those from the background of the so-called Black Seven Categories, namely “curs,” who have already become secondary targets of proletarian dictatorship. They are “born sinners.” Under its influence, family background determines almost everything. Bad family background not only makes one inferior to others, but it also deprives one of the right to rebel against one’s own family, defend the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee, defend Chairman Mao, and join the Red Guards. These days, so many innocent youth have died unnatural deaths and have drowned in the abyss of the theory of basing everything on family backgrounds. Faced with this grave problem, anyone who cares about the destiny of the country must confront and study it. Those seemingly sobering and comprehensive eclectic viewpoints are, in actuality, cruel and hypocritical. We must expose and criticize these viewpoints, and rise to defend Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line. Here, we are going to seek answers from social practice as well as Chairman Mao’s works, and explain our viewpoints from three perspectives. | Owing to the influence of the “Left” in form, but “Right” in essence, policy of the reactionary line, those youth have seldom received equal political treatment, especially those from the background of the so-called Black Seven Categories, namely “curs,” who have already become secondary targets of proletarian dictatorship. They are “born sinners.” Under its influence, family background determines almost everything. Bad family background not only makes one inferior to others, but it also deprives one of the right to rebel against one’s own family, defend the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Central Committee, defend Chairman Mao, and join the Red Guards. These days, so many innocent youth have died unnatural deaths and have drowned in the abyss of the theory of basing everything on family backgrounds. Faced with this grave problem, anyone who cares about the destiny of the country must confront and study it. Those seemingly sobering and comprehensive eclectic viewpoints are, in actuality, cruel and hypocritical. We must expose and criticize these viewpoints, and rise to defend Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line. Here, we are going to seek answers from social practice as well as Chairman Mao’s works, and explain our viewpoints from three perspectives. | ||