Vethari
| Vethari | |
|---|---|
| Vethari | |
| Pronunciation | [ⱱe̞'θä.ɾi] |
| Created by | – |
| Setting | Vetharin |
| Native to | All of Vetharin, and exceeding the border into India. It is less prevalent in the West and South. |
| Native speakers | 63.5 million (2021) |
Vethari
| |
Vethari is the official language of Vetharin, a kingdom located north in the Vetharin Peninsula, that goes off the northeast coast of India into the Bay of Bengal. It’s the mother tongue from 63.5 million people, that is 96% of the country’s population of 66.1 million, although it is not spoken so much on the west and south regions. On the other hand, it is spoken at a certain level on the other side of the border with India, with around 2 million speakers there. During World War II, a massive immigration from Vethari occurred, scattering speaker all across the world, but specially on England, Brazil, United States and Spain.
Vethari has only main 2 dialects, although there is a standard form, that is the one taught in the schools and also the one that it is studied in this article. Vethari uses the Vethari script, that evolved from the Brahmi script. It is an abugida, like its ancestor. A standard romanization was made in 1898 and it used on guides, grammar books and transcriptions. The romanization is used on this article for being easier to understand. On certain places of Vetharin, people write with the Latin alphabet. Vethari is an agglutinative, Verb-Framing, Subject-Prominent, Fluid-S Active-Stative morphosyntactically aligned language.
The Vethari languages are apparently an isolated group, being one of the world’s primary languages families. Although this is the accepted theory nowadays, there already had lots of other ones. For example, connecting the Vethari family with the Austronesian family and even with the Japonic languages. In 1767, the linguist and grammarian Satuwo Uteppe released an 647-page book that proved that Vethari is related to Sino-Tibetan. In 1808, in a grammar of Vethari, it is shown some evidence that Vethari is related to Austroasiatic languages, specially with the Munda branch. In conclusion, the grammar is so different from other languages that it may even be possible to be related to some other family, however, with the nowadays technology and researches, it can’t be proved.
Phonology
Consonants
| Bilabial | Dental | Alveolar | Retroflex | Palatal | Velar | Uvular | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m /m/ | n /n/ | rn /ɳ/ | ny /ɲ/ | |||
| Plosive | p /p/ | t /t/ | rt /ʈ/ | c /c/ | k /k/ | q /q/ | |
| Voiced Plosive | b /b/ | d /d/ | rd /ɖ/ | rj /ɟ/ | g /g/ | ||
| Velarized | pp /pˠ/ | tth /θˠ/ | tt /tˠ/ | rtt /ʈˠ/, rss /ʂˠ/ | kk /kˠ/ | ||
| Affricate | ty /ʧ/ | dy /ʤ/ | |||||
| Fricative | f /f/ | th /θ/ | s /s/ | rs /ʂ/ | cy /ç/, sy /ʃ/ | kh /x/, gy /ʝ/ | |
| Voiced Fricative | v /v/ | dh /ð/ | z /z/ | j /ʒ/ | |||
| Approximant | w /w/ | ry /ɻ/ | y /j/ | jy /ɰ/ | |||
| Lateral | l /l/ | rl /ɭ/ | ly /ʎ/ | ||||
| Flap/Tap | r /ɾ/, rr /ɺ/ |
Vowels
| Front | Central | Back | |
|---|---|---|---|
| High | i /i/ | ì /ʏ/ | u /u/, ù /ɯ/ |
| Mid | e /e/ | è /ə/ | o /o/, ò /ɔ/ |
| Low | a /a/ | à /ɒ/ |
Phonotactics
The phonotactic system of this language is defined by a carefully controlled set of phonemes with rich distinctions, especially among nasal, retroflex, palatal, and velarized sounds. Syllables generally follow a (C)V(C) or (C)(C)V(C) structure, with CV and CVC being the most common. The language makes extensive use of consonant contrasts, and many phonemes—such as retroflexes (/ʈ/, /ɖ/, /ɳ/, /ɭ/), palatals (/ɲ/, /ʎ/, /ɟ/, /ç/, /ʃ/), and velarized consonants (/pˠ/, /tˠ/, /kˠ/, /ʈˠ/, /ʂˠ/)—have restricted environments within syllables.
Consonant clusters are permitted in onset position, but are subject to strict rules. Common onset clusters include stop + glide (e.g., /pj/, /kj/, /gj/) and stop + lateral (e.g., /pl/, /kl/, /bl/), though not all combinations are allowed. Retroflex and velarized consonants almost never appear in clusters, and instead tend to occur in singleton positions. Clusters in coda position are extremely limited and generally dispreferred; most codas contain a single nasal (/n/, /ɲ/, /ɳ/) or a stop (/p/, /t/, /k/).
Some diphthongs are not phonemic in this language; sequences like /ai/, /ei/, or /au/ are analyzed as separate syllables, often broken by a glide or a consonantal transition. The vowel system distinguishes between front (/i/, /e/), central (/ə/, /a/), and back vowels (/u/, /o/, /ɔ/, /ɒ/, /ʏ/, /ɯ/), each with clear distributional tendencies.
Velarized consonants such as /pˠ/, /tˠ/, /kˠ/, /ʈˠ/, and /ʂˠ/ usually don’t occur next to front vowels like /i/ or /e/. They prefer low and back vowels, such as /ɒ/, /ɔ/, or /ɯ/, reflecting articulatory harmony. Their distribution is also limited by stress and syllable weight; for instance, velarized consonants often appear in stressed root syllables or as markers of emphasis. Retroflex segments—particularly /ʈ/, /ɖ/, /ɳ/, and /ɭ/—tend to be root-internal and are rarely found in affixes, which are more likely to contain plain coronal or palatal consonants.
Affricates /ʧ/ and /ʤ/ only occur syllable-initially, never in codas or clusters. They are often used in expressive or ideophonic vocabulary. Fricatives are more flexible: /f/, /s/, /ʂ/, /θ/, and /x/ can occur in both onset and coda positions, while their voiced counterparts /v/, /z/, /ð/, and /ʒ/ are mostly restricted to onsets. Palatal fricatives /ç/ and /ʃ/—written as cy and sy—appear only before front vowels and cannot occur after back vowels. The voiced palatal fricative /ʝ/ (gy) and the approximants /ɻ/, /j/, and /ɰ/ appear frequently in medial position, helping to transition between vowels.
Nasals play a central role in phonotactics. The contrast between /n/, /ɲ/, and /ɳ/ is fully phonemic and occurs in all positions. The retroflex nasal /ɳ/ usually appears in environments where other retroflex consonants are also present, often due to regressive assimilation. The palatal nasal /ɲ/ commonly appears before front vowels, and is usually represented as ny. Approximants such as /w/, /j/, and /ɰ/ cannot appear in syllable-final position, and /ɻ/ usually appears on stressed onsets.
Lateral consonants /l/, /ʎ/, and /ɭ/ have strict distribution. The plain /l/ is the most common and occurs freely in onsets and codas. The palatal lateral /ʎ/ (ly) only occurs before /i/ or /e/, and never after back vowels. The retroflex lateral /ɭ/ (rl) occurs almost exclusively in medial position, often within roots or compounds, and avoids front vowels entirely. These laterals never appear geminated or in complex clusters. Morphophonemic processes involving these sounds tend to preserve their quality rather than undergo assimilation.
Stress interacts with phonotactics by allowing heavier or more marked consonants in stressed syllables. For example, velarized and retroflex consonants are favored in stressed roots, while palatals and glides dominate in unstressed affixes. Final syllables are stressed when closed by a consonant or contain a lower vowel like /ɒ/ or /ɔ/, while otherwise, penultimate stress is the norm. Vowel reduction does not occur dramatically, but centralization of high vowels to /ə/ is attested in fast speech, particularly in grammatical endings. Words cannot end in consonants, and also, there aren’t geminated consonants.
Prosody
Rhythm, Intonation and Stress
One of the characteristic prosodies of Vethari is that it is syllable-timed. In English, an stress-timed language, the gap between stressed syllables is fairly consistent, whereas in Vethari all syllables are assigned equal temporal value. This consistency gives spoken Vethari a metronomic, steadycadence, reminiscent of some East Asian languages. The rhythmic evenness influences not just pronunciation but also specifies syntactic forms to the point that sentences have to fit the inherent temporal forms of the language. There is no specific rhythm like 'trochaic' or 'iambic' for example.
Intonation is crucial on questions, following a rising intonation at the end of the word, whereas irony, falling is used instead. In some places, verbs are pronounced with a peaking intonation at the end.
Stress unpredictable and it changes by the number of syllables, however, usually the penultimate syllable is the stressed one. It has lots of exceptions and rules that people only learn with experience. For example, sometimes it can be on the low vowel syllable and sometimes on a high vowel syllable. Because of that, it is impossible to know the weight-sensitiveness, making it unpredictable or unbounded.
Vocabulary
From a 2022 study from the Royal Vethari Language Academy, it is shown that Vethari has around 412,000 words, however, if also counting the obsolete and archaic terms, Vethari has approximately 563,000 lemmas(This without even counting toponyms, hydronyms, …, Proper Nouns, affixes and Compound words). Although having a great lexicon, only about 15,280 words are used on daily conversations, based on colloquial speech from a young person. That number just gets bigger and bigger when on special occasions, jobs and technical and scientific terms.
From the same study, with help from the Official Vethari etymological Dictionary, written, printed and sold by the Royal Vethari Language Academy, 11,574 words were chosen by criteria of frequency and will be displayed in order by their etymology:
(No compound words, proper nouns or affixes)
- 9,901 native words inherited from Proto-Vethari and related languages
- 401 words inherited from Proto-Indo-European languages
- 316 words inherited from Proto-Dravidian and related languages
- 276 words inherited from Sino-Tibetan languages
- 214 words inherited from Proto-Kra-Dai and related languages
- 169 words inherited from Proto-Turkic and related languages
- 109 words inherited from Proto-Austroasiatic and related languages
- 94 words inherited from Proto-Austronesian and related languages
- 66 words inherited from Proto-Great-Andamanese and related languages
- 18 words inherited from Proto-Hmong-Mien and related languages
- 10 words inherited from Proto-Ongan and related languages.
Because of being an advanced civilization, lots of techniques and scientific terms are native words. For example, from the 118 periodic elements, 37 have native words for it, since they were discovered before other words being borrowed for them. Basically, the other remaining elements are adapted borrowings from French and English, to fit into the phonotactics. Other recent technologies are usually borrowed from Telugu, Bengali, Burmese or Thai. The calendary is the Gregorian calendary and each month has its name based on things that happen on that time, for example the time to harvest, the month that is cold and more.
Names for flora and fauna are sometimes native, but the majority of times not. Flora and Fauna native to the Vetharin Peninsula have native words, however, anything outside it, is an adapted borrowing from close languages or Latin. There are exceptions for animals like turkey: Wuropa, because they were brought by Europeans to there and cat: Myau, because of the noise made by cats.
The language uses the short scale for numbers, like English: Million(1.000.000), Billion(1.000.000.000), Trillion(1.000.000.000.000), instead of the long scale: Million(1.000.000), Milliard(1.000.000.000), Billion (1.000.000.000.000), and more. Numbers are simple and after 10, they are only compounds.
Vethari is known for having lots of words for different colors, not shades, but referring to them as a different color, the same way as pink and red, and some languages dark blue vs. light blue. They are mainly variations of lighter versions and darker versions, as well as a 'normal' one to be the default, like Green(Vilo), Light Green(Visyil) and Dark Green(Vamu). There are also words for the transparent variation of them, but only 2 colors, Blue(Noki/Noku) and Red(Esami/Esamu).
Kinship terms on Vethari are pretty complex. Terms change completely when the person is biologically female/masculine, since there are no genders in the language. Exclusive names go for at maximum every person related to you in 3 generations, including your spouse/husband, so those names changes if they are from your partner’s family. After that, people related but distant are called 'prakhninau'. There are names for lots of people, for example: My mother’s-in-law mom is Gurunisyinumi. For people starting with 'step-', the suffix 'egu(l)-' is put. People starting with 'grand-', after the grand-grand-grand-???, is 'fyu(l)-'.
Punctuation
Vethari uses lots of punctuation that are the same in English, such as the period(.), exclamation mark(!) and quote marks(“„).)
Punctuations in math and other subjects do not change, such as parenthesis and brackets.
Some other punctuations that differ from the English ones are: (❬ ❭) “Jate”, used to show irony in a sentence, (⧼ ⧽) “Thu”, used to show admiration and positivity, however, if two of them on each side, it means the exact opposite. The tricolon/Tesyepagi (⁝) is used to explain something that was mentioned but there was nothing about it. An example in English with the tricolon would be: “An example with it would be⁝”. A double dot or an apostrophe is used as a comma.
Numbers
Vethari’s number system is a bit different than other languages’. Numbers from 1-7 have a name for each, from 8 to 10 is like: (10-2 and 10-1), while ten has a different name. From 11-17 is the same (10 + 1, 2, …) and 18 is like (20-2 and 20-1). From thirty beyond(until 70) is like: (3 x 10, 4 x 10, …, 7 x 10) and then, 80 and 90 is (100 - 20 and 100 - 10). 88 for example is [(20 - 100) + (10 - 2)]. Every other number that is a multiple of 10(100, 1000, 1000000, …) has a number, while their variations (200, 4000, 9000000, …) work the same way [(2,3,… x ?)]. A big number for example is 1 809 114 [1 000 000 + (10 - 2) x 100 + 9 + 100 - 10 + 4]. They also decline for case, number and definiteness.
Idiomatic Phrases
Vethari is a largely idiomatic language. For foreign speakers, even though they understand every single word, it might be difficult to understand its meaning. for example, instead of saying “Cheese!” when taking a photo, people say Reutthisimagemonutai/Foutthisimagemonutai, literally “Show me half”, from the smile being like a half-circle. Other example is Vimomasumu?: literally “Can’t you roar?”(ironically). Equivalent to “It’s all Greek to me”.
Measure Words
In Vethari, some nouns require measure words to refer to them, the same way English uses, for instance, 'a carton of milk' and not just simply 'a milk'.
Measure words don’t decline and sometimes don’t have a translation to English.
Not every noun require a measure words, however, there’s a set of 81 nouns that need those, for example:
- Bomolukritil dyemi finigoporditri.
- two-DEF-PL-AGT MEA bird-DEF-PL-AGT
- Two birds.
In this case, dyemi is the measure word for bird, which means this noun always need to be accompanied by this word.
Swadesh List
The Swadesh list (/ˈswɑːdɛʃ/) is a compilation of tentatively universal concepts for the purposes of lexicostatistics. Translations of the Swadesh list into a set of languages allow researchers to quantify the interrelatedness of those languages. The Swadesh list is named after linguist Morris Swadesh. It is used in lexicostatistics (the quantitative assessment of the genealogical relatedness of languages) and glottochronology (the dating of language divergence). Because there are several different lists, some authors also refer to "Swadesh lists".
The most used list nowadays is the Swadesh 207-word list, adapted from Swadesh 1952.
| Swadesh list | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| 1-52 | 53-104 | 105-156 | 157-207 |
| 1. ta “I” tu “I” |
53. inviga “stick” | 105. suysansaku “to smell” | 157. cyeida “sand” |
| 2. vi “you” ru “you” |
54. kapo “fruit” | 106. moimanduku “to fear” | 158. fuza “dust” |
| 3. li “he/she/it” le “he/she/it” |
55. iufa “seed” | 107. simiguku “to sleep” | 159. epsponda “earth” |
| 4. jo “we” ju “we” |
56. wekkima “leaf” | 108. seuku “to live” | 160. cirua “cloud” |
| 5. fu “you” fo “you” |
57. ifuda “root” | 109. midonaku “to die” | 161. efonda “fog” |
| 6. rlo “they” rlu “they” |
58. ganze “bark” | 110. monaku “to kill” | 162. sumuno “sky” |
| 7. kima “this” | 59. ekuya “flower” | 111. syensyenku “to fight” | 163. uigura “wind” |
| 8. cyusmu “that” | 60. ewajò “grass” | 112. instuku “to hunt” | 164. safou “snow” |
| 9. oigu “here” | 61. vojogugo “rope” | 113. jutaku “to hit” | 165. usryo “ice” |
| 10. toigan “there” | 62. sua “skin” | 114. cyinsyaku “to cut” | 166. tthà “smoke” |
| 11. niri “who” | 63. sigamè “meat” | 115. ifiusaku “to split” | 167. onfu “fire” |
| 12. nuru “what” | 64. laus “blood” | 116. cyinku “to stab” | 168. asga “ash” |
| 13. nara “where” | 65. kiyu “bone” | 117. zowaku “to scratch” | 169. finku “to burn” |
| 14. senu “when” | 66. syaywa “fat” | 118. duyswaku “to dig” | 170. ernu “road” |
| 15. nere “how” | 67. cyutu “egg” | 119. yuwonku “to swim” | 171. masmaraytha “mountain” |
| 16. mu “not” | 68. cuiru “horn” | 120. foku “to fly” | 172. esami “red” |
| 17. ciro “all” | 69. kabana “tail” | 121. qupiku “to walk” | 173. vilo “green” |
| 18. saso “many” | 70. icyema “feather” | 122. fiwaku “to come” | 174. siki “yellow” |
| 19. èymu “some” | 71. ekans “hair” | 123. luranku “to lie” | 175. intupo “white” |
| 20. turu “few” | 72. euwa “head” avisto “head” |
124. goseku “to sit” | 176. kana “black” |
| 21. nyere “other” | 73. icyya “ear” | 125. dhoku “to stand” | 177. fansa “night” |
| 22. ukun “one” | 74. irs “eye” | 126. klaustaku “to turn” | 178. qouqo “day” |
| 23. bomo “two” | 75. wekkordi “nose” | 127. abaluku “to fall” | 179. sibuo “year” |
| 24. istiu “three” | 76. ganago “mouth” | 128. qubaku “to give” | 180. irro “warm” |
| 25. gù “four” | 77. dasano “tooth” | 129. ìrupoku “to hold” | 181. veklo “cold” |
| 26. fradru “five” | 78. tayuto “tongue” | 130. kankanku “to squeeze” | 182. fatyu “full” |
| 27. rdo “big” | 79. sugusa “fingernail” | 131. yefeyku “to rub” | 183. dubu “new” |
| 28. civo “long” | 80. ftu “foot” | 132. thosuku “to wash” | 184. usarda “old” |
| 29. èvua “wide” | 81. cyìsu “leg” | 133. konskauku “to wipe” | 185. doso “good” |
| 30. fiju “thick” | 82. urne “knee” | 134. tyisàfku “to pull” | 186. wamoru “bad” |
| 31. kketans “heavy” | 83. payyu “hand” | 135. irsku “to push” | 187. turon “rotten” |
| 32. frè “little” | 84. katauga “wing” | 136. siloku “to throw” | 188. fonye “dirty” |
| 33. dhaufi “short” | 85. qudra “belly” | 137. farssaku “to tie” | 189. rsiniu “straight” |
| 34. thaie “narrow” | 86. isura “guts” | 138. suruaku “to sew” | 190. unga “round” |
| 35. noroi “thin” | 87. cyunis “neck” | 139. pripiku “to count” | 191. zan “sharp” |
| 36. aqewa “woman” | 88. tunu “back” | 140. egaku “to say” | 192. uws “dull” |
| 37. nata “man” | 89. beyou “breast” | 141. okhoaku “to sing” | 193. lanans “smooth” |
| 38. kunapurang “human being” | 90. potumok “heart” | 142. sayenku “to play” | 194. ttidu “wet” |
| 39. gosru “child” | 91. urs “liver” | 143. balaku “to float” | 195. eptira “dry” |
| 40. yanas “wife” | 92. khaku “to drink” | 144. gaku “to flow” | 196. porsaya “correct” |
| 41. vogvokfu “husband” | 93. dyasyidyaku “to eat” | 145. tyaku “to freeze” | 197. neuno “near” |
| 42. dhiza “mother” | 94. salajuku “to bite” | 146. ungoku “to swell” | 198. oriyu “far” |
| 43. dhista “father” | 95. gagauku “to suck” | 147. wokla “sun” | 199. rere “right” |
| 44. varana “animal” | 96. optuku “to spit” | 148. ukuyu “moon” | 200. uburo “left” |
| 45. ufto “fish” | 97. ikhyoku “to vomit” | 149. syalasya “star” | 201. (Locative Case) “at” |
| 46. vavau “bird” | 98. fufuku “to blow” | 150. gloppo “water” | 202 (Locative Case) “in” |
| 47. arafra “dog” | 99. akhaku “to breathe” | 151. syunurusyya “rain” | 203. (Ornative-Comitative-Instrumental case used) “with” |
| 48. wasama “louse” | 100. khogoku “to laugh” | 152. jewa “river” | 204. igi “and” |
| 49. sirun “snake” | 101. ivriku “to see” | 153. sawara “lake” | 205. nave “if” |
| 50. ugirsu “worm” | 102. ìkhìku “to hear” | 154. èbdwa “sea” | 206. ruga “because” |
| 51. misuzi “tree” | 103. ouku “to know” | 155. saza “salt” | 207. impo “name” |
| 52. misuzirda “forest” | 104. àbàku “to think” | 156. thuturnu “stone” | |
Dialects
The language has two major dialects(that inside have more dialects too) spoken in distinct regions, each with its own lexical preferences, stylistic tendencies, and unique word formations. While mutually intelligible, the dialects are immediately recognizable by their choice of expressions, use of certain affixes, and subtle differences in how compounds are constructed. One dialect, often called the Highland variety, is spoken in inland, mountainous regions and tends to preserve older forms and more conservative structures. The other, known as the Coastal dialect, is found along the seaboard and exhibits more innovation and lexical fluidity due to trade, mobility, and cultural exchange.
In the Highland dialect, words are often more compact and traditional. Speakers tend to favor archaic compound structures and maintain distinctions that have faded elsewhere. For instance, they retain older vocabulary for natural elements and kinship that have been replaced by broader or simpler forms in the Coastal dialect. The Highland variety also avoids certain abstract coinages, preferring to express concepts through metaphor or storytelling. A speaker might describe “forgiveness” not as a single abstract noun but as “the softening of stone,” invoking imagery to carry meaning. It also prefers to use the Alethic and Epistemic modality rather than the Gnomic aspect.
The Coastal dialect, on the other hand, thrives on creative compounding and the reimagining of roots. It regularly generates new terms by combining common stems in playful or efficient ways, often shortening or streamlining them for ease of use. This dialect also borrows more readily from trade partners or neighbors, though such borrowings are adapted to the native morphological style. For example, instead of using an external word for “compass,” the Coastal dialect might coin a new term from “sea” and “circle.” These neologisms reflect the region’s outward-facing culture and openness to adaptation.
Grammatically, the Highland dialect is more conservative, retaining older plural and case markers that the Coastal dialect has leveled or generalized. This leads to a slightly more complex structure but offers speakers greater nuance and stylistic range. Coastal speakers, conversely, tend to rely on fixed word order and contextual cues, streamlining communication in fast-paced or trade-heavy environments. These grammatical tendencies shape the rhythm and pacing of speech: Highland speech is deliberate and rhythmic; Coastal speech is quick and clipped.
In terms of vocabulary related to social interaction, the dialects reflect differing cultural priorities. The Highland dialect includes a wide range of terms for honor, tradition, and kin responsibility, with precise verbs and nouns for obligations between relatives, neighbors, and leaders. The Coastal dialect, meanwhile, favors terms of negotiation, cooperation, and group dynamics, with a lexicon rich in words for alliances, agreements, and shared ventures. While both dialects are grounded in the same cultural worldview, their vocabularies emphasize different aspects of daily life and community identity.
Despite their differences, both dialects are seen as prestigious within their own contexts. Literature, song, and oral tradition exist in both forms, and speakers often shift between dialects depending on setting, formality, or region. This duality adds richness to the language as a whole, fostering internal variation while maintaining a unified linguistic identity.
Genetics, Origins and DNA
The Vethari, a seafaring ethnic group residing on a peninsula extending eastward from India’s eastern seaboard, possess a genetic heritage that reflects deep-rooted South Asian ancestry intertwined with more distant ties to both ancient Egyptian populations and the indigenous Mayaimi people of southeastern North America. Genomic studies reveal a core affinity with Dravidian and Austroasiatic groups from eastern India, alongside rare ancestral components linking them to Northeast African lineages and transoceanic maritime contacts. These connections, while faint, suggest that the Vethari may descend from a highly mobile ancestral population involved in early coastal migration networks that stretched far beyond the Indian Ocean, possibly linked by archaic seafaring routes and climatic shifts during the Holocene. This complex ancestry gives rise to a genetic mosaic shaped by ancient trade, long-distance voyages, and cultural diffusion.
At the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) level, the Vethari exhibit dominant haplogroups M and R, common across the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia, but also carry low-frequency subclades such as M1 and U6, which are more typically found in North and Northeast Africa, including among ancient Egyptian populations. These lineages suggest a trace of maternal gene flow from the Red Sea corridor or the Horn of Africa into early Vethari ancestry, possibly through pre-Bronze Age maritime exchanges or contact via the Arabian Sea. On the paternal side, while haplogroups O2a1-M95 and H1a1a-M82 remain dominant and link them to South and Southeast Asian populations, a minor yet persistent presence of haplogroup E1b1b—commonly associated with Afroasiatic-speaking groups including ancient Egyptians—adds another layer of complexity. Interestingly, a small segment of autosomal DNA in Vethari genomes shows affinity to indigenous Caribbean and southeastern North American groups, especially the Mayaimi people of the Florida peninsula, hinting at either ancient transoceanic drift populations or long-distance cultural diffusion mechanisms yet to be fully understood.
Further whole-genome analysis supports the notion of a deeply diverse ancestry. Alongside typical South Asian signatures, the Vethari display a unique autosomal component that includes markers found in the Nile Valley and eastern Mediterranean, as well as low-frequency alleles overlapping with ancient Amerindian populations. This suggests the possibility of multiple waves of gene flow from distant coasts, potentially facilitated by early oceanic navigation technologies. Linguistically and culturally, the Vethari preserve ritual vocabularies and mythologies that bear unexpected parallels to both Nile Delta cosmology and certain motifs found among the Mayaimi and other pre-Columbian societies. Such patterns reinforce the idea of a group shaped by a long-standing maritime tradition, positioned at the intersection of global migratory currents and prehistoric human exploration.
The genetic patterns observed among the Vethari also provide insight into the mother tongue versus father tongue hypothesis, particularly in the context of their diverse ancestry. The alignment of Y-chromosome haplogroup O2a1-M95 with the dominant Vethari language, which maintains some Austroasiatic grammatical features, supports the "father tongue" model of linguistic inheritance, indicating a strong paternal influence on language transmission. However, the presence of African-derived mtDNA lineages such as M1 and U6, as well as stable maternal retention of language within isolated Vethari clans, suggests that maternal lineage played a key role in preserving cultural identity during periods of external contact. This dual pattern implies that while the paternal line may have steered linguistic shifts during early expansion phases, the maternal line sustained continuity, anchoring the Vethari identity across generations of intercontinental interaction.
The Vethari people exhibit a striking and distinctive appearance shaped by their unique genetic heritage and coastal environment. Their skin tone ranges from medium to deep brown, well-suited to the tropical climate of their peninsula homeland. Their hair is typically thick and dark, varying between straight and wavy textures. One of their most remarkable features is their true natural violet eyes, a rare trait resulting from unique genetic mutations that affect the pigmentation and light-scattering properties of their irises.
Their eye shape is generally almond-like or slightly hooded, occasionally showing subtle epicanthic folds. Facial structure among the Vethari is characterized by high cheekbones and broad to medium-width faces, with softly defined jawlines that give their features a gentle yet distinct appearance. Their noses vary from broad to medium width, with some individuals displaying narrower nasal bridges that hint at ancient North African influence. Lips tend to be medium to full in shape, complementing their overall facial harmony.
In terms of stature, the Vethari are taller than average compared to many neighboring populations. Men commonly range between 175 and 185 centimeters (approximately 5'9" to 6'1"), while women average between 165 and 175 centimeters (around 5'5" to 5'9"). Their physiques are typically lean and muscular, reflecting an active lifestyle centered around fishing, seafaring, and farming along the coast.
Genetically, the Vethari carry dominant mitochondrial DNA haplogroups M and R, common across South and Southeast Asia, alongside low-frequency North African subclades such as M1 and U6. On the paternal side, their Y-chromosome haplogroups primarily include O2a1-M95 and H1a1a-M82, linking them to regional South and Southeast Asian groups, but they also exhibit a minor presence of E1b1b, a haplogroup associated with Afroasiatic-speaking populations including ancient Egyptians. What sets them apart further are unique mutations in the OCA2 and HERC2 genes, which are responsible for their distinct violet eye pigmentation.
Additionally, some Vethari individuals show occasional craniofacial variations, such as elongated skull shapes or pronounced brow ridges, traits that add to the diversity and complexity of their physical appearance. Altogether, these characteristics paint a picture of a genetically and physically unique people, shaped by millennia of maritime migration, cultural exchange, and adaptation to their coastal environment.
Violet Eyes: The main characteristic
The Vethari's violet eyes are a rare and striking feature, resulting from a unique genetic mutation that affects the pigmentation of the iris. Unlike the commonly known blue eyes, which arise from a reduction in melanin, violet eyes in humans are due to a combination of factors that lead to a distinct light scattering effect and a subtle presence of red pigments in the iris. This condition is not associated with albinism, as the Vethari individuals with violet eyes possess normal amounts of melanin in their skin and hair.
The primary genetic determinant of eye color in humans involves the OCA2 gene, which encodes a protein crucial for melanin production. Variations in this gene, particularly in its regulatory regions, can lead to different eye colors. In the case of the Vethari, a specific mutation in the OCA2 gene, possibly in conjunction with other genetic factors, results in the unique violet hue of their eyes. This mutation affects the way light is scattered and absorbed by the iris, creating the violet appearance.
Additionally, the HERC2 gene, located near OCA2, plays a significant role in regulating OCA2 expression. A well-known single nucleotide polymorphism (SNP) in HERC2, rs12913832, has been associated with blue eye color by reducing OCA2 expression. However, in the Vethari, a different variant or combination of variants in the HERC2 gene may lead to a different modulation of OCA2 expression, contributing to the violet eye color. The exact genetic mechanisms remain a subject of ongoing research.
The inheritance of violet eyes in the Vethari follows a complex pattern, likely involving multiple genes and their interactions. It is not a simple Mendelian trait but rather a polygenic characteristic, meaning it results from the combined effects of several genetic factors. This complexity makes the violet eye color a distinctive and rare feature within the Vethari population.
The Vethari's geographic isolation on their peninsula has played a crucial role in preserving the violet eye trait. Limited gene flow from outside populations has allowed unique genetic characteristics, such as violet eyes, to remain within the community. This isolation has also helped maintain other distinctive features and cultural practices that define the Vethari people.
However, the increasing connectivity of the modern world poses challenges to the preservation of such unique traits. Intermarriage with neighboring populations and exposure to different genetic pools may introduce new genetic variations, potentially diluting the frequency of the violet eye trait over time.
Morphology
Because of not being exclusively concatenative, it is considered that it has something called Conflicting Evidence, also found in Lakhota, Thai, Beja, Chamorro and Gooniyandi. It is Monoexponential, which means that there’s an affix for every category, and not just an affix that covers more than one category at a time, that, differently from Vethari, lots of other closely related languages are Polyexponential. It is Monoexponential for both TAM markers and Cases. On Case Exponence, it takes different affixes for each, for example Case + Number or Case + TAM. Other languages languages like Vethari, where there are different affixes for case and TAM Markers are Spanish and Portuguese.
Going into the TAM Exponence, Vethari can be considered to be put into the TAM+polarity category, since it has the Vetitive mood, that covers negation in the imperative mood, being the only time where this happens in the language. Other languages in this category are Kayardild, Hunzib, Maasai, Mangarrayi and Koyra Chiini.
Vethari has a Dependent-Marking morphology, as well as not being syncretic on both nouns and verbs. It also has a Five-way contrast demonstrative system.
Verbs
Vethari verbs are constructed by a series of affixes put together with the verb root to form the form. When auxiliary verbs are used, they are put before the verb. The infinitive is the verb root + -ku. The participle is made by putting “fnu” before the verb. When doing the past participle, “fnu” is put after the conjugation of Gusu(to have). To do the Aorist Participle and Future or Present Participle, “fnu” needs to be before the verb whose participle will be made. When with (*), it means that it must have the affix.
| Verb Slot | Allowable Inputs |
|---|---|
| *Agentive Subject Person/Number |
ta- (I) vi- (you) li- (he/she/it) jo- (we) fu- (you all) rlo- (they) |
| *Patientive Subject Person/Number |
tu- (I) ru- (you) le- (he/she/it) ju- (we) fo- (you all) rlu- (they) |
| *Mood | -cyi- (indicative) -cye- (subjunctive) -tthi- (imperative) -gyu- (conditional) -mo- (jussive) -sorlì- (optative) -ppu- (vetitive) -wes- (Desiderative) |
| Voice | -ple- (active) -kle- (passive) (suri conjugation before) (middle) -gle- (antipassive) |
| Aspect | -Ø- (simple) (gusu conjugation before) (perfect) -sye- (imperfect) -rsù- (progressive) -se- (prospective) -sau- (iterative) -slu- (conative) -nyu- (gnomic) |
| *Tense | -Ø-(present) -ga- (past) -lye- (future) -rja- (aorist) |
| *Verb Root + Question Infix + Negation Infix |
any verb |
| Incorporated Noun (for transitive verbs) |
any noun root, without adjectives, determiners, possessive affixes, etc. |
| Incorporated Pronoun | insert pronoun here |
| Evidentiality | -no- (firsthand) -ra-(indirect, hearsay, presumptive) |
| Mirativity | -g (expected) -r (unexpected) -y (surprising) |
- Nouns lose their declension when incorporated into a verb, with only the root remaining, however, sometimes, only the case remains, when there is no affix following the noun.
- Because of Vethari being an Agentive-Default language, Agentive arguments are marked on transitive clauses, while the object is in the Patientive. When on intransitive clauses, the subject may be on either cases basing on volition. If it is Intentional/Not emotionally affected, it is marked with the Agentive case, otherwise, if unintentional or/and emotionally affected, it is marked with the Patientive case. For example: "She died" would be marked with the Agentive case, while "died her" would mean that it was unintentional and it is marked with the Patientive Case. Instead of having specific volitional affixes or infixes to mark emotions/affection or even polypersonal agreement, it has two types for each clause argument.
- Situational and Epistemic modality markers overlap for both possibility and necessity, as English, where the same modals can express the urgency or just the possibility of doing and action.
- No zero realization on S markers.
- Relativization occurs on both Subjects and Obliques(Relative Pronouns)
- It is considered Balanced/Deranked on “when” and purpose clauses, although Old Vethari being classified only as Balanced.
- On Action Nominal Constructions, Vethari is classified with this structure, as Double-Possessive, with other similar languages being Maltese, Latvian and Japanese.
- Because of a little bit of suppletion according to tense, like Pipil and Hixkaryana, it is difficult for learners, however the Highlands dialect has other irregular verbs with changes also in aspect, having suppletion on both Tense and Aspect, like Nahuatl and Burushaski. Old Vethari had suppletion only on aspects, and when evolving, they became tense suppletion forms, like Ika, Wichita and Numggubuyu.
- Modal verbs appear before the main verb. Some other are not needed, like “must” that in stead, uses or the Imperative or the Vetitive for it. The subjunctive may sometimes full the work of a modal verb in a sentence. Vethari modal verbs are etymologically related to Gimiiratopi’s coverbs. Modal verbs are defective verbs, as in English, which such verbs only have one form. In Vethari, these verbs can not be conjugated, thus being used alone before the verb, just like English.
Personal Infinitive
The Personal Infinitive usually occurs on structures like “for (pronoun) (infinitive)”, for example “for us to be”. They only conjugate for person, however other pronouns are took back for their normal forms(includes excluding the case), for example “us > we”, “me > I”. For example:
- Jo-cyi-lye-riu-syo
- 1PL.AGT-IND-FUT-be-IMI
- For us to be.
In this case, “syo” is the personal infinitive suffix for the Agentive subject “jo”, “we”.
The Supines and the Gerundive
The supine is used on main verbs on purpose clauses. It is also used to explain why something is done. They come as a particle right after the verb complex: “tumi”.
- Dhiza li-cyi-ga-masu-tuw ta-cyi-Ø-ruma-prosezyun tumi.
- mother 3SG.AGT-IND-PST-take-1SG.PAT.INDR.OBJ 1SG.AGT-IND-PRES-watch-procession SUP
- 'Mother took me to watch the procession'.
- Ta-cyi-rja-so-komu-ru ugirigasiku tumi!
- 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-do.AOR-that-2SG.PAT protect SUP
- I did that to protect you!
The other supine comes after a verb with an adjective. The particle “muturai” is used. For example:
- Piro vi-cyi-Ø-karu-tu muturai…
- hard 2SG.AGT-IND-PRES-believe-1SG.PAT SUP
- Hard to believe… (Literally: Hard you believe I)
- Cara li-cyi-suri-komu siranku muturai!
- amazing 3SG.AGT-IND-be-that say SUP
- It’s amazing to say! (Literally: Amazing that is to say).
The Gerundive is no longer used on colloquial speech, however it is used on formal writing and old people’s vocabulary. It worked almost the same way as Latin, however it disappeared from common texts, being left on the Old Vethari language.
Volitional Verbs
There are some verb pairs that distinguish volition, some only used with Agentive subjects and others only with Patientive subjects. For example: Nimoku 'to see' (only Agentive) and Pasoku 'to look' (only patientive). The same way with English on the examples, with 'to see' being only intentional and 'to look' being unintentional. Other notable example is Dyirauku 'to hear' (only Agentive) and Misubuku 'to listen' (only Patientive). Although if the argument, in theory, has to be in the other case, it’s not possible to change, as they function as defective verbs, because they can’t change their cases.
This might create confusion with volitional intransitive verbs, for example sometimes saying something was on purpose, when it’s only because there is not the option to change the subject form. Instead of this, usually people try changing the verb for one that can change the subject.
These verbs evolved from Proto-Vethari, where it had quirky subjects. Because it was Nominative-Accusative, those subjects started dominating all the verbs, dividing them in two, for different cases; Agentive and Patientive. Because of being all affixes and the subject being altogether with the verb root, it started changing along the centuries, resulting in an Active-Stative language. The subjects then started turning into affixes to put with the verb root. Because back then, the verb could only represent the Nominative, the quirky subjects started to appear to change them into other cases. Then, the verbs stopped demonstrating the case, leaving lots of verbs with the same meaning, forming the pairs. Instead of verbs, who started changing for the cases were the subjects, dividing them into the two known classes: Agentive and Patientive.
In Proto-Vethari, verbs declined to volition, so, anyways, even being transitive, verbs could be marked as intentional or unintentional, knowing that currently only intransitive verbs can do that. However, those verbs that marked volition including on the infinitive, evolved into the current verb pairs that only have one subject case.
Besides those verbs that evolved from quirky subjects, there are other verbs specially for people that make vs. who receive the action. For example: 'to kill' Monaku (used only in the Agentive) vs. 'to die' Midonaku (used only in the Patientive). This goes along with causativity, since causative sentences show volition in their verbs, as they turn A, into a transitive clause, with the original subject S becoming the object O. Like shown, before, this makes verbs turn from (to X) into (to make X), with the former being in the Patientive and the latter in the Agentive, so, to die, as in Vethari, it is Patientive, whereas “to kill” is in the Agentive. This is because when you kill someone, you made that, because it was voluntary, or even being involuntary, you caused something to die, as opposed when something dies, for example: you kill someone, not *die someone.
Irregular Verbs
Vethari has some irregular verbs. They have special forms for the present, aorist and future. Two of them are very important verbs; Suri (to be) and Gusu (to have), also, they are the only one that don’t end in the normal -ku ending. When they are used as auxiliary verbs, they ignore the different affixes and uses the normal ones.
- Ta-cyi-ple-rno-gusu
- 1SG.AGT-IND-ACT-AOR-have
- I had.
- Ta-cyi-rja-gusu fnu ta-cyi-rja-sifunari-kkepomidayu-Ø.
- 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-have PPRT 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-reject-money-PAT
- I had rejected money. (It is in the Perfect Aspect(formed by another verb), however the gloss is written for both)
The following irregular verbs exist:
| Verb (Aorist) |
Verb (Infinitive form) |
Verb (Future) |
English translation |
|---|---|---|---|
| sui | suri | riu | to be |
| rno | gusu | quti | to have |
| so | maku | simi | to do |
| ilu | oroku | mese | to assemble |
| khu | kaku | kha | to be able to/ can |
| kita | asuteraku | firu | to comprise |
| mau | maku | mei | to sob |
| pume | iku | mado | to regard |
| tasu | onyoku | duru | to address |
| masa | amyuku | myu | to attend |
| eri | fuku | fedu | to whisper |
| usin | usynuku | wo | to plummet |
| syuo | amaygomaku | syiu | to fasten |
Questions and Negation
For binary questions(Yes/No Questions), Vethari uses a four-form system for answering a question. This means, there are 4 ways you can answer someone, not just simply “yes” and “no”. For Positive Questions (e.g. Is he here?), you answer “yes” or “no”, right? Now for Negative Questions (e.g. Is he not here?), if you answer “yes”, you mean that he is not there or that he is there? and vice-versa with no, so there is a four-form system. To affirm a Positive or Negative question, you use “Jyodhowu” and “Jyodhowa” respectively and to negate a Positive or Negative question, you use “Uwu” and “Uwa” respectively.
For non-binary questions, the question appears right after the verb root.
- Vicyisomanuru!?
- 2SG.AGT-IND-AOR-do-what
- What have you done!?
- Licyirjasurrusenu?
- 3SG.AGT-IND-AOR-happen-when
- When did it happen?
For negation, insert the affix -mu- after the verb.
- Vicyimamuinauzolini.
- 2SG.AGT-do-NEG-thing-3SG.AGT.GEN
- You can’t do anything about it.
- Vicyituymu!
- 2SG.AGT-IND-cry-NEG
- Don’t cry!
The Vetitive mood is used only when warning someone that there’ll be consequences for something like prohibiting from doing something, or constructions like: “Beware …”. It’s also used to show impossible things like imagining something that will never happen or a dream. It’s also functions like a “mustn’t”. Negation like “-mu-“ is used for more brief and superficial cases, when nothing big happens.
Telicity
Vethari distinguishes telic and atelic actions by using different structures and cases on the direct object. Telic actions mean that the action is complete, however, atelic actions mean that they are not complete or don’t have an endpoint. Because there will always be an incorporated verb, it is shown by particles. Those particles define the case of the direct object, but only agentive and patientive, with others left out, just like normal incorporated nouns.
Telicity is optional to use, however, on some situations, it night be good to know to clarify what’s going on.
Telic and atelic actions can cause case stacking. When on telic actions, the direct object is on the patientive case, whereas on atelic actions, the agentive case is used. An example with a telic action:
- Ta-cyi-rja-kasyada-wan madha
- 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-shoot-bear TEL.PAT
- I shot the bear!(And I killed it)
And now with an atelic action:
- Ta-cyi-rja-kasyada-wan vaima
- 1SG.AGT-IND-AOR-shoot-bear TEL.AGT
- I shot the bear!(But it stayed alive/Didn’t get it right)
Noun Incorporation
Nouns, when they are incorporated into transitive verbs, lose their declension affixes, with only the root left. When nouns need to appear on an intransitive clause, they appear after the verb, with all the affixes. When on noun phrases, there is nothing special, with the nouns declining normally. There is no “class agreement”, instead of gender agreement, so adjectives don’t have any agreement with the object they are giving characteristics. All adjectives are singulare tantum. They also don’t decline. Adjectives appear after the noun. There are no articles for adjectives.
Adjectives
For adjectives, there are no articles and they are the same for singular and plural. For the comparative, the structure “i rre ?” is used, with ‘?’ Being the adjective. For the superlative, the structure “sopa ?” is used.
- Lyacyisurileirar i rre rsi.
- He is taller than him.
- Licyisurinor sopa girai thipiko jau tacyigusu piu tacyifurainoy ibir!
- He is the smartest student that I’ve ever met [before]!
There is also the Elative/Absolute Superlative, which means (very …) in English. They are irregular, that means, they are different from the normal superlative, positive and comparative.
- Licyisuri rsi.
- He is tall.
- Licyisuri orsau.
- He is very tall.
- Licyisuri ogo.
- He is evil.
- Licyisuri vigo.
- He is wicked/very evil.
There is also the “equal comparative”, that means “as … as”. It uses the structure “olu ?”
- Luicyisuriliy olu rsi.
- He is as tall as him.
For the negative, special constructions are used. For the comparative, “rura ?” is used to mean “less ? than”. For the superlative, “ata ?” it means “the least ?” and for the Absolute Superlative, “ror ?”, that stands for “the least ?” again, but it works the same way as “very ?”, but in the negative.
Diminutive and Augmentative
Vethari uses the augmentative and diminutive both on nouns and adjectives. They are usually highly irregular, however, there are some regular nouns and adjectives, which forms are made by reduplication. For the diminutive, a partial reduplication is made, by doubling the first syllable, however, a full reduplication is made when on the augmentative. They are not always used, instead, the normal adjectives for big and small are used.
- Wan-nu-Ø-tri-wannutri igi wan-wan-nu-tri.
- bear-DEF-SG-AGT-RED and bear-bear-DEF-AGT
- A big bear and a small bear(Literally: A bear bear and a be-bear)
Pronouns
Pronouns are quite difficult in Vethari. The basic forms, are the Agentive and Patientive affixes on verbs. They usually appear as affixes, but sometimes alone, like answering questions like: Who was it?
The Basic ones are also those who appear in the middle of the verb. For example: I sent him/her/it a letter. Him is considered a basic/first level pronoun, or, oblique pronoun. It is the indirect object of a verb. I sent him a letter, would be: Tyacyirjaposònabunolei. In this case, lei is the dative indirect object pronoun form of 'le', Patientive he/she/it. In this example, 'Tya' is the Pegative form of the Agentive ‘I’.
Sometimes, contractions can happen, for example in 'Give it to me': Instead of 'Rutthinapotail-e', where tai is the dative indirect object pronoun form of 'ta', Agentive ‘I’ , on older texts, it may be written as 'Rutthinapotil '. Other common (and correct) contraction involves contracting the two pronouns and putting them on both pronoun spots; Subject and Incorporated pronoun. For example: (You) Say sorry to him -> The pronouns are Vyi(You(Agentive), Pegative) and Lei(He/She/It, Dative, Indirect Object) -> Vyi + Lei = vlii -> Instead of ‘Vitthireilei’ -> Vliitthireivlii.
Other basic pronouns include the ones that follow adpositions. For example: It’s not for you: Lecyisurimu'ris', where 'ris' is the dative direct object pronoun form of 'ru', Patientive you.
Reflexive and Reciprocal pronouns also exist, for example: Write the text yourself!: Vitthittuugipu'vou', where 'vou' is the reflexive form of 'vi', Agentive you. If in case of the object already being mentioned before, when replaced by 'it' then, it would appear in the default form after the first pronoun, being literally: Write yourself it. In this case, the phrase would be: Vitthittuvoul-e. Yes, when pronouns are clitics or just appear after, the first phoneme is transferred into the final of that group of affixes, so 'le', would be 'l-e', as seen in the example, however, this does not affect the pronunciation.
Clitics are pronouns that don’t have specific slots inside the complex of affixes, so it is put at the end, maybe with even 2 other more pronouns, or maybe contracted with all others. So, if there are three pronouns referring to one verb like: May you cook for us, her and them! (Literally: May you cook for us, her, them), would be: Vyisorlìjujoul-eirl-ou instead of Vyisorlìjujoul-ei-rlou, …-lei-rlou or …-l-ei-rl-ou or whatever, is wrong. In this case, it can also be contracted: vyi + jou + lei + rlou = vyourlei, so -> Vyourleisorlìjuvyourlei, however, this is unpractical and inconvenient(this example), although correct.
Sometimes, when a clitic ends up somewhere where can’t be that specific cluster, an 'a' is put in the middle, if a consonant cluster, however if a big vowel cluster, a 'l' is put in between.
It is pretty easy to form possession pronouns, just add the particle 'nilo' before. For example: Nilo vi -> Your.
Nouns
Like verbs, complete noun forms are based on affixes, that change by classes. Nouns have case syncretism. There are specific affixes for each category; Case, Class, Number and Definiteness. There are no genders, instead, there are classes. Although there are different affixes for each class, there is no Patientive and Singular affix on every class.
Alienable and Inalienable Possession
Nouns used to have specific particles when showing that they are the alienable or inalienable forms. Each of them was formed by a suffix. They only occurred when in Class 1, that corresponds to the Late Classical and Modern Vethari’s Congealic and Pillaric classes. They were transformed into other suffixes later, resulting in the nowadays forms. Pillaric was the inalienable possession nouns and Congealic was the alienable possession nouns. In other Vethari languages, these types of possessions were shown by dative and genitive particles.
Classes of Nouns and their affixes
- Pillaric - solid and unmoving: immovable rocks, mountains, places - the concept of death is seen as this.
| Category | Allowable Inputs |
|---|---|
| Noun | Insert noun here |
| Definiteness | -(a)no- (Undefinite) -(a)pu- (Definite) |
| Number | -Ø- (Singular) -ki- (plural) -ke- (distributive) -ka- (collective) -ko- (similative-associative) |
| Case | -ti (Agentive) -Ø (Patientive) -te (Dative) -ta (Genitive) -to (Locative) -tiy (Pegative) -tey (Caritative) -tay (Ornative-Comitative-Instrumental) |
- Congealic - solid, but moveable: flora, fauna, smaller rocks, ice, snow, fallen leaves - any solid matter that gathers in a mass.
| Category | Allowable Inputs |
|---|---|
| Noun | Insert noun here |
| Definiteness | -(a)nu- (Undefinite) -(a)po- (Definite) |
| Number | -Ø- (Singular) -rdi- (plural) -rde- (distributive) -rda- (collective) -rdo- (similative-associative) |
| Case | -tri (Agentive) -Ø (Patientive) -tre (Dative) -tra (Genitive) -tro (Locative) -triy (Pegative) -trey (Caritative) -tray (Ornative-Comitative-Instrumental) |
- Liquidic - substantial + visible, but able to be moved through: water, mist, light, numbers and fractions, units of time (seconds, minutes, days, months, etc.)
| Category | Allowable Inputs |
|---|---|
| Noun | Insert noun here |
| Definiteness | -(a)lo- (Undefinite) -(a)lu- (Definite) |
| Number | -Ø- (Singular) -kri- (plural) -kre- (distributive) -kra- (collective) -kro- (similative-associative) |
| Case | -til (Agentive) -Ø (Patientive) -tel (Dative) -tal (Genitive) -tol (Locative) -tiyl (Pegative) -teyl (Caritative) -tayl (Ornative-Comitative-Instrumental) |
- Echoic - invisible, but felt: wind, heat, cold, thoughts, emotions, vibrations.
| Category | Allowable Inputs |
|---|---|
| Noun | Insert noun here |
| Definiteness | -(a)mo- (Undefinite) -(a)mu- (Definite) |
| Number | -Ø- (Singular) -gri- (plural) -gre- (distributive) -gra- (collective) -gro- (similative-associative) |
| Case | -gil (Agentive) -Ø (Patientive) -gel (Dative) -gal (Genitive) -gol (Locative) -giyl (Pegative) -geyl (Caritative) -gayl (Ornative-Comitative-Instrumental) |
- Confundic - transcendental, intangible: the gods, the void, libraries in general, writing (though this may be reduced in less formal speech or writing to save time)
| Category | Allowable Inputs |
|---|---|
| Noun | Insert noun here |
| Definiteness | -(a)zo- (Undefinite) -(a)zu- (Definite) |
| Number | -Ø- (Singular) -qi- (plural) -qe- (distributive) -qa- (collective) -qo- (similative-associative) |
| Case | -qil (Agentive) -Ø (Patientive) -qel (Dative) -qal (Genitive) -qol (Locative) -qul (Ablative) -qiyl (Pegative) -qeyl (Caritative) -qayl (Ornative-Comitative-Instrumental) |
Derivation
Words can be derived into other parts of speech with the following suffixes:
| From... | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Noun | Verb | Adjective or Determiner |
Adverb | ||
| To... | Noun | - | -gi | -gas | -gko |
| Verb | -oku (to be X, temporarily) -iku (to do an X-like thing) |
- | -aitiku -fitiku (to become X) |
-rruku | |
| Adjective or Determiner |
-was | -iku | - | -ryekhli | |
| Adverb | -prura | -wakku | -uri | - | |
For the verbs specified endings, remember that not always the verbs that end that way mean that they have derived from another grammatical category.
Syntax
Word Order
The standard word order is SVO, when using the verb complex as a full phrase, however, when more than this, other categories are usually arranged the same way as in English so:
- Tawesrjawomalit-u imaudauri wasa kima tuppulyefimo…
- 1SG.AGT-DES-AOR-love-3SG.AGT-1SG.PAT unfortunately but this 1SG.PAT-VET-FUT-happen
- I wish he loved me, but unfortunately this won’t happen…
On full noun phrases, the nouns may be on the Patientive case. The adjectives usually comes before the noun(by changing the order the same adjective might have a different meaning), so: Adjective + Noun + Relative Clause. The word order changes to OVS when doing the reported speech, with no vocabulary change, just the order.
Conjunctions
Vethari has lots of conjunctions that divide themselves into clauses, just like English. Grammatically the simple ones: Coordinating, Correlative, Time and Subordinating conjuctions. As there is a lot of conjunctions, not every single one will be shown, however, here it goes someone of them:
| Word | English Translation |
|---|---|
| igi | and |
| (dative case used) | for |
| wasa | but |
| qo | or |
| frui | yet |
| om | so |
| i | nor |
| nave | if |
| rroko | than |
| simo | whether |
| oro | as |
| thutufiri | after |
| ibir | before |
| e | as long as |
| rtusi | since |
| khansui | until |
| gyeri | while |
| fithuturu | although |
| nyemu | however |
| ruga | because |
| firufuthu | as soon as |
| jyeku | as if |
| firuthutu | though |
| dherada | unless |
| puli | so that |
| rifithutu | either |
| thufufiri | neither |
| dyuryi | like |
| ama | also |
| ragu | besides |
| ismi | for example |
| uilea | furthermore |
| aima | hence |
| epa | first(from last) |
| ipa | last |
| irje | later |
| àmisa | meanwhile |
| ekpaula | moreover |
| colo | next |
| tufithutu | nevertheless |
| tufithuru | nonetheless |
| os | now |
| rutufrithi | on the other hand |
| ruthutiti | soon |
| firi | still |
| rupa | such as |
| emèra | then |
| walawa | thereafter |
| ekpa | therefore |
| soy | thus |
| egma | too |
| nuru | what |
| sesi nuru | whatever |
| sesi niri | whoever |
| sensa | whereas |
| sesi noro | whomever |
| senu | when |
| sesi senu | whenever |
| ekreramunau | with this in mind |
Relative Clauses
Relative clauses, which are demarcated with the particle jau also serve to emphasize the subject on the clause, for example: “Me that went there yesterday” instead of just “I went there yesterday”. Also serve to exclaim that something was on purpose, whether the speaker’s assumption is correct or not. Relative clauses use Relative Pronouns.
- Jau li-cyi-rja-suy-evirdau-mia!
- RM 3SG.AGT-IND-AOR-take-pen-1SG.AGT.DAT.INDR.OBJ
- She that took the pen from me!
Sample Text
Sample Text
The 1st Article of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights translated into Vethari:
- "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood."
- "Ciro eppola igi yamarù rlucyikleeurrekunapurang muturai piriwasmugrigol igi fidyegasmugrigol. Igi sinyegaloimugayl rlocyiklerjazaniyeeppurotui igi rlayugyulyeappura kocyivauzuqol dhanasgkoryekhlizugel."
- "Ciro eppola igi yamarù rlu-cyi-kle-Ø-eurre-kunapurang muturai piriwas-mu-gri-Ø-gol igi fidyegas-mu-gri-Ø-gol. Igi sinyegaloi-mu-Ø-Ø-gayl rlo-cyi-kle-rja-zaniye-eppurotui igi rlayu-gyu-lye-appura kocyivau-zu-Ø-qol
- dhanasgkoryekhli-zu-Ø-gel."
- all free and equal 3PL.PAT-IND-PASS-PRES-born-humanbeing SUP dignity-DEF-PL-PAT-LOC and right-DEF-PL-PAT-LOC | and conscience-DEF-SG-PAT-INS 3PL.AGT-IND-PASS-AOR-endow-reason and 3PL.AGT.RECP.DO-COND-FUT-act spirit-DEF-SG-LOC brotherhood-DEF-SG-DAT
- /'ci.ɾo e'pˠo.la 'i.gi ja.ma'ɾɯ ɭu.çi.kle.eu.ɺe.ku.na.pu.ɾang mu.tu'ɾaj pi.ɾi.was.mu.gɾi'gol 'i.gi fi.ʤe.gas.mu.gɾi'gol | 'i.gi si.ɲe.ga.loi.mu'gajl ɭo.çi.kle.ɟa.za.ni.je.e.pˠu.ɾo'tui
- 'i.gi ɭa.ju.ʝu.ʎe.a.pˠu.ɾa ko.çi.vau.zu'qol ða.nas.gko.ɻe.xli.zu'gel/
- [ci̞.ɾ̞o̞ eˈpˠo̞.la̞ ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ja̠.ma̠ˈɾɯ̟ ɭu̟.çi̟.kʰle̞̽.u̟.ɺe̞.kʰu̟.na̠.pʰu̟.ˈɾãŋ mu̟.tʰu̟ˈɾa̝j̟ p̚i̞.ɾ̞i̞.ˈwas̟.mu̟.ɡɾi̞ˈgo̞l̪ ˈi̞.ɡi̞ fi̞.ʤe̞̽.ɡas̟.mu̟.ɡɾi̞ˈgo̞l̪ | ˈi̞.ɡi̞ si̞.ɲe̞̽.ɡa̠.lo̞ɪ̯.mu̟ˈɡaɪ̯l̪ ɭo̟.çi̟.kʰle̞.ɟa̟.za̟.ni̞.je̞.e̞.pˠu̟.ɾo̟ˈtˣʷui̯
- ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɭa̟.ju̠.ʝu̠.ʎe̟.a̟.pˠu̟ˈɾa̟ ko̞.çi̟.ˈvau̯.zu̟.qo̞l̪ ða̞.nas̟.gko̠.ɻe̞.xli̞.zʰu̟ˈɡel̪]
- ⟦c̞i̞.ɾ̞o̞ eˈpˠo̞.l̪a̞ ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ja̠.m̻a̠ˈɾ̠ɯ̟ ɭ̟u̟.çi̟.kʰ͡l̪e̞̽.u̟.ɺ̠e̞.ku̟.n̪a̠.pʰʷu̟.ˈɾ̃ãŋ̟ m̻u̟.tʰ̪u̟ˈɾ̈a̝j̟ p̚i̞.ɾ̞i̞.ˈwä̠s̟.m̻u̟.ɡɾ̞i̞ˈɡ̞o̞l̪
- ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɸi̞.ʤ̞e̞̽.ɡä̠s̟.m̻u̟.ɡɾ̞i̞ˈɡ̞o̞l̪ | ˈi̞.ɡi̞ s̻i̞.ɲe̞̽.ɡᵆa̠.l̪o̞ɪ̯.m̻u̟ˈɡäɪ̯l̪ ɭ̟o̟.çi̟.kʰ͡l̪e̞.ɟ̟a̠.z̻a̠.n̪i̞.je̞.e̞.pˠu̟.ɾ̠o̟ˈtˣʷui̯
- ˈi̞.ɡi̞ ɭa̟.ju̠.ʝ̞u̠.ʎe̟.a̟.pˠu̟ˈɾa̟ kʰo̞.çi̟.ˈvᵓɐu̯ᵊ.zu̟.qʰo̞l̪ ð̞a̞.n̪as̟.ᶢkʰo̠.ɻ̞e̞.x͈li̞.zʰu̟ˈɡ̞el̪⟧