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**The dual products of this process would eventually substitute the plural forms of the first and second-person in their nominative equivalents (i.e. ''*ṓns'' "we (plural)" ⇒ ∅, replaced by ''*ōi̯ṓn'' "we (dual)" (Aryan) ⇒ ''*wéy'' "we (plural)" (PIE); ''*ūs'' "you (plural)" ⇒ ∅, replaced by ''*ūi̯ū́'' "you (dual)" (Aryan) ⇒ ''*yū́'' "you (plural)" (PIE)), while their oblique inflections for example would assume the same spot in the dual of the Indo-European languages (i.e. ''*noh<sub>0</sub>(m)'' 1.DU.ACC. (Aryan) ⇒ ''*n̥h<sub>1</sub>wé'' ~ ''*nōh<sub>1</sub>'' 1.DU.ACC. (PIE); ''*i̯uh<sub>0</sub>(m)'' 2.DU.ACC. (Aryan) ⇒ ''*uh<sub>1</sub>wé'' ~ ''*wōh<sub>1</sub>'' 2.DU.ACC. (PIE)).
**The dual products of this process would eventually substitute the plural forms of the first and second-person in their nominative equivalents (i.e. ''*ṓns'' "we (plural)" ⇒ ∅, replaced by ''*ōi̯ṓn'' "we (dual)" (Aryan) ⇒ ''*wéy'' "we (plural)" (PIE); ''*ūs'' "you (plural)" ⇒ ∅, replaced by ''*ūi̯ū́'' "you (dual)" (Aryan) ⇒ ''*yū́'' "you (plural)" (PIE)), while their oblique inflections for example would assume the same spot in the dual of the Indo-European languages (i.e. ''*noh<sub>0</sub>(m)'' 1.DU.ACC. (Aryan) ⇒ ''*n̥h<sub>1</sub>wé'' ~ ''*nōh<sub>1</sub>'' 1.DU.ACC. (PIE); ''*i̯uh<sub>0</sub>(m)'' 2.DU.ACC. (Aryan) ⇒ ''*uh<sub>1</sub>wé'' ~ ''*wōh<sub>1</sub>'' 2.DU.ACC. (PIE)).
**The particle <''*m''> gains the property of the serial particle <''*s''> when the latter conflates with the particle ''*ts'' (e.g. third-person plural locative ''*itsim'' instead of ''*itsis''). This contamination was likely encouraged due the abundant presence of ''*m'' in the accusative, and produces an alternative explanation to the hypothesis that the oblique of the first-person plural was''*ms-'' before becoming ''*ns-''<ref name=Sihler>Andrew Sihler (1995); [https://archive.org/details/sihler-andrew-new-comparative-grammar-of-greek-and-latin/mode/2up ''New Comparative Grammar Of Greek And Latin'']</ref>. Later in PIE, not only plural forms (e.g. ''*nsai̯(m)'' 1.PL.DAT. (Aryan) ⇒ ''*n̥sméy'' 1.PL.DAT. (PIE))  would become contaminated, but also singular ones (e.g. ''*iai̯'' "to him" (Aryan) ⇒ ''*h<sub>1</sub>esmōy'' "to him" (PIE)); including verbal affixes (e.g.''*-nas'' 1.PL.VB. (Aryan) ⇒ ''*-mos'' 1.PL.VB. (PIE)).
**The particle <''*m''> gains the property of the serial particle <''*s''> when the latter conflates with the particle ''*ts'' (e.g. third-person plural locative ''*itsim'' instead of ''*itsis''). This contamination was likely encouraged due the abundant presence of ''*m'' in the accusative, and produces an alternative explanation to the hypothesis that the oblique of the first-person plural was''*ms-'' before becoming ''*ns-''<ref name=Sihler>Andrew Sihler (1995); [https://archive.org/details/sihler-andrew-new-comparative-grammar-of-greek-and-latin/mode/2up ''New Comparative Grammar Of Greek And Latin'']</ref>. Later in PIE, not only plural forms (e.g. ''*nsai̯(m)'' 1.PL.DAT. (Aryan) ⇒ ''*n̥sméy'' 1.PL.DAT. (PIE))  would become contaminated, but also singular ones (e.g. ''*iai̯'' "to him" (Aryan) ⇒ ''*h<sub>1</sub>esmōy'' "to him" (PIE)); including verbal affixes (e.g.''*-nas'' 1.PL.VB. (Aryan) ⇒ ''*-mos'' 1.PL.VB. (PIE)).
<ref name=Petersen>Walter Petersen (1930); ''The Inflection of Indo-European Personal Pronouns''</ref>
du
ki > si
ku > hu
ti > tsi
tu > lu
dau
J.Schmidt, KZ 36.405ff argues in favor of eǵ as older tham eǵom
Melchert,MSS42,1983,151-165
Eichner, KZ 96, 1983,
Seebold. Das System der Personalpronomina in den frühgerm
Brugmann; Grundriss
Schmidt, Stammbildung und Flexion der
Seebold. Das System der Personalpronomina in den frühgerm
P. Forchheimer, The category of person in language, Berlin 1953
Benveniste, La nature des pronoms
Boisacq : É. Boisacq, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Heidelberg, 1916.
Brugmann, Griech. Gram?: Griechische Grammatik,
Chantraine, GH: Grammaire homérique.
Chantraine, Morphologie : Morphologie historique du grec. 1947. 2nd ed. 1961.
Chantraine, Formation ` La formation des noms en grec ancien
CIL : Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum.
Collitz-Bechtel, D: Sammlung griechischer Dialektinschriften. 1884— 1915
Egli, Heteroklisie im Griechischen: J. Egli, Heteroklisie im Griechischen, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Fälle von Gelenkheteroklisie. Dissert. Zürich
Ehrlich, Betonung ` Untersuchungen über die Natur der griechischen Betonung. 1912
Ernout-Meillet, Dictionnaire étym.: Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine
Evidence for Laryngeals : Evidence for Laryngeals — Work papers of a conference in Indo—European linguistics on May 7 and 8, 1959. Edited by Werner Winter. Austin, Texas, 1960
Frisk, GEW ` Griechisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Heidelberg 1954
Kuryłowicz, A pophonie ` L'apophonie en indo-européen. 1956.
Kuryłowicz, Accentuation *: L'accentuation des langues indo—européennes. 2nd ed. 1958.
Leumann-Hofmann :M. Leumann-]. B. Hofmann, Lateinische Grammatik, 5th ed. 1926-8
Meillet, Zz£roduction 9: Introduction a l'étude comparative des langues indo-européennes. 8th ed. 1937
Pokorny : Pokorny, /wdogermanisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. 1948-
Wackernagel (-Debrunner), AzGr. : Altindische Grammatik


====Possessive Pronouns====
====Possessive Pronouns====
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