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{{Infobox language | {{Infobox language | ||
|name = Chlouvānem | |name = Chlouvānem | ||
|nativename = chlǣvānumi dhāḍa | |nativename = chlǣvānumi dhāḍa | ||
|pronunciation = | |pronunciation = c͡ɕʰɴ̆ɛːʋaːnumi dʱaːɖa | ||
|creator = | |pronunciation_key = IPA | ||
|creator = User:Lili21 | |||
|created = Dec 2016 | |created = Dec 2016 | ||
|region = Jahībušanā, southern Vaikēham, eastern half of Araugi, southernmost Vīṭadælteh | |region = Jahībušanā, southern Vaikēham, eastern half of Araugi, southernmost Vīṭadælteh | ||
| Line 10: | Line 12: | ||
|date = 3874 <small>(6424<sub>10</sub>)</small> | |date = 3874 <small>(6424<sub>10</sub>)</small> | ||
|setting = [[Verse:Calémere|Calémere]] | |setting = [[Verse:Calémere|Calémere]] | ||
|familycolor = | |familycolor = Hmong-Mien<!--This is to add the family colour! HEX codes don't work, so I chose the closest family colour to your provided Hex Code<nowiki>!</nowiki>--> | ||
|fam1 = [[Lahob languages|Lahob-Imuniguronian]] | |fam1 = [[Lahob languages|Lahob-Imuniguronian]] | ||
|stand1 = Classical Chlouvānem | |stand1 = Classical Chlouvānem | ||
| Line 18: | Line 20: | ||
|image = Flag of the Inquisition.png | |image = Flag of the Inquisition.png | ||
|imagealt = Flag of the Inquisition | |imagealt = Flag of the Inquisition | ||
|notice=IPA | |||
}} | }} | ||
'''Chlouvānem''', natively '''chlǣvānumi dhāḍa''' ("language of the Chlouvānem people"), is the most spoken language on the planet of [[Verse:Calémere|Calémere]] (Chl.: ''Liloejāṃrya''). It is the official language of the Inquisition (''murkadhānāvi'') and its country, the [[Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition|Chlouvānem lands]] (''chlǣvānumi babhrām''<ref>Commonly ''murkadhānāvīyi babhrām'' “Land of the Inquisition”, officially referred to as ''chlǣvānumi murkadhānāvīyi babhrām'' “Land(s) of the Chlouvānem Inquisition” or as ''chlamiṣvatrī maijuniāvyumi murkadhānāvīyi stalyāmite kailibabhrām'' "Pure Lands under Guidance of the Inquisition of the Descendants of the Chlamiṣvatrā".</ref>), the main lingua franca across vast areas of Márusúturon (according to the Chlouvānem definition all of Jahībušanā, the eastern half of Araugi, southern | '''Chlouvānem''', natively '''chlǣvānumi dhāḍa''' ("language of the Chlouvānem people"), sometimes also called '''naviṣidhāḍa''' (lit. "language of the [Holy] Book(s)") or '''mālnadhāḍa''' (lit. "language of the Union") by non-Chlouvānem users, is the most spoken language on the planet of [[Verse:Calémere|Calémere]] (Chl.: ''Liloejāṃrya''). It is the official language of the Inquisition (''murkadhānāvi'') and its country, the [[Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition|Chlouvānem lands]] (''chlǣvānumi babhrām''<ref>Commonly ''murkadhānāvīyi babhrām'' “Land of the Inquisition”, officially referred to as ''chlǣvānumi murkadhānāvīyi babhrām'' “Land(s) of the Chlouvānem Inquisition” or as ''chlamiṣvatrī maijuniāvyumi murkadhānāvīyi stalyāmite kailibabhrām'' "Pure Lands under Guidance of the Inquisition of the Descendants of the Chlamiṣvatrā".</ref>), the main lingua franca across vast areas of Márusúturon (according to the Chlouvānem definition all of Jahībušanā, the eastern half of Araugi, southern Vaipūrja, and far southernmost Vīṭadælteh) - most importantly Brono, Fathan, Qualdomailor, and all other countries of the former Kaiṣamā, and, due to cultural exchanges and influences in the last seven hundred years, also a well known language in Greater Skyrdagor.<br/>It is the [[Verse:Yunyalīlta|Yunyalīlti religion]]'s liturgical language. | ||
The language currently known as Chlouvānem was first attested about 2400 years ago in documents from the Lällshag civilization, as the language of a [[Lahob languages|Lahob-speaking]] people that settled in the southern part of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra-Lāmberah plain, particularly near Lake Lūlunīkam. Around year 4000 of the Chlouvānem calendar (itself an adaptation of the Lällshag one), the ''Chlamiṣvatrā'', the great Prophet of the Yunyalīlta, lived and taught her doctrine in the Chlouvānem language, paving the way for it to gain the role of most important language and lingua franca in the at the time massively linguistically fragmented lower Plain. While the Chlamiṣvatrā's language is what we now call "Archaic Chlouvānem" (''chlǣvānumi sārvire dhāḍa''), most of the Yunyalīlti doctrine as we now know it is in the later stage of Classical Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānumi lallapårṣire dhāḍa''), a koiné developed in the mid-5th millennium. Since then, for nearly two millennia, this classical language has been kept alive as the lingua franca in the Yunyalīlti world, resulting in the state of diglossia that persists today. | The language currently known as Chlouvānem was first attested about 2400 years ago in documents from the Lällshag civilization, as the language of a [[Lahob languages|Lahob-speaking]] people that settled in the southern part of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra-Lāmberah plain, particularly near Lake Lūlunīkam. Around year 4000 of the Chlouvānem calendar (itself an adaptation of the Lällshag one), the ''Chlamiṣvatrā'', the great Prophet of the Yunyalīlta, lived and taught her doctrine in the Chlouvānem language, paving the way for it to gain the role of most important language and lingua franca in the at the time massively linguistically fragmented lower Plain. While the Chlamiṣvatrā's language is what we now call "Archaic Chlouvānem" (''chlǣvānumi sārvire dhāḍa''), most of the Yunyalīlti doctrine as we now know it is in the later stage of Classical Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānumi lallapårṣire dhāḍa''), a koiné developed in the mid-5th millennium. Since then, for nearly two millennia, this classical language has been kept alive as the lingua franca in the Yunyalīlti world, resulting in the state of diglossia that persists today. | ||
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{{Chlouvānem sidebar}} | {{Chlouvānem sidebar}} | ||
==Internal history== | ==Internal history== | ||
The history of the Chlouvānem language itself is tightly linked with the one of the Ur-Chlouvānem ('' | The history of the Chlouvānem language itself is tightly linked with the one of the Ur-Chlouvānem (''odhāḍadumbhais'') and Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānem'') peoples, and is usually divided in the following periods: | ||
* Proto-Lahob ('' | * Proto-Lahob (''hūlisakhāni odhāḍa''; PLB for short) | ||
* Pre-Chlouvānem or Ur-Chlouvānem language (''ochlǣvānumi dhāḍa'') | * Pre-Chlouvānem or Ur-Chlouvānem language (''ochlǣvānumi dhāḍa'' or rarely ''chlǣvānumi odhāḍa'') | ||
* Archaic Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānumi sārvire dhāḍa'') | * Archaic Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānumi sārvire dhāḍa'') | ||
* Classical Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānumi lallapårṣire dhāḍa'') | * Classical Chlouvānem (''chlǣvānumi lallapårṣire dhāḍa'') | ||
* Post-Classical (''chlǣvānumi paṣlallapårṣire dhāḍa'') and Modern (''~ | * Post-Classical (''chlǣvānumi paṣlallapårṣire dhāḍa'') and Modern (''~ amyærlairī ~'') Chlouvānem. | ||
===Proto-Lahob=== | ===Proto-Lahob=== | ||
[[File:Lahob languages.png|thumb|The spread of [[Lahob languages]] in Márusúturon. The Chlouvānem-speaking area is in lilac and pink.]] | |||
Chlouvānem and its daughter languages' nearest sibling languages are the other [[Lahob languages]], with a speaker count in the tens of thousands and spoken in the traditional villages of the indigenous peoples of a subpolar area in northwestern Márusúturon, straddling the Orcish Straits between 55º and 70ºN, nearly 10,000 km away from the attested Chlouvānem heartlands. The most recent common ancestor between Chlouvānem and these languages is known as Proto-Lahob (''ohūlisakhāni dhāḍa''), and was spoken approximately 4000 to 3500 years before the present. The location where Proto-Lahob speakers probably lived is, for sure, neither the Chlouvānem heartlands nor the current territories of other Lahob peoples; instead, there are three hypothetical areas where it could have been spoken: | Chlouvānem and its daughter languages' nearest sibling languages are the other [[Lahob languages]], with a speaker count in the tens of thousands and spoken in the traditional villages of the indigenous peoples of a subpolar area in northwestern Márusúturon, straddling the Orcish Straits between 55º and 70ºN, nearly 10,000 km away from the attested Chlouvānem heartlands. The most recent common ancestor between Chlouvānem and these languages is known as Proto-Lahob (''ohūlisakhāni dhāḍa''), and was spoken approximately 4000 to 3500 years before the present. The location where Proto-Lahob speakers probably lived is, for sure, neither the Chlouvānem heartlands nor the current territories of other Lahob peoples; instead, there are three hypothetical areas where it could have been spoken: | ||
on the western coast of the Skyrdegan Inner Sea, roughly between 40º and 45ºN (in modern day | # on the western coast of the Skyrdegan Inner Sea, roughly between 40º and 45ºN (in modern day Aqalyšary and Berkutave, perhaps reaching north into modern Morufalhay) – this hypothesis is usually given along with an earlier estimated date for the proto-language; | ||
in the | # in the southern Ulšan Mountains, in present-day Kŭyŭgwažtov (nowadays not quite accepted as the other two); | ||
on the western coast of the High Ivulit, just opposite modern Qualdomailor. | # on the western coast of the High Ivulit (in modern Leñ-ṱef), just opposite modern Qualdomailor. | ||
No matter which of these was the "birthplace" of Lahob peoples, the modern groups that survived are those that had migrated from the original homeland, as the spread of various other groups in the following millennia - Uyrǧan, Berko-Tarastian, Samaidulic, and most notably the Kenengyry much later - displaced and eventually assimilated the remnant groups<ref>Each of these peoples displaced the previous ones, resulting in this area of Calémere having today a dominance of Kenengyry languages, but with many minority languages in between, or of different families at its borders; the Uyrǧan family, for instance, is today composed of two sub-families 5000 km apart.</ref>. | No matter which of these was the "birthplace" of Lahob peoples, the modern groups that survived are those that had migrated from the original homeland, as the spread of various other groups in the following millennia - Uyrǧan, Berko-Tarastian, Samaidulic, and most notably the Kenengyry much later - displaced and eventually assimilated the remnant groups<ref>Each of these peoples displaced the previous ones, resulting in this area of Calémere having today a dominance of Kenengyry languages, but with many minority languages in between, or of different families at its borders; the Uyrǧan family, for instance, is today composed of two sub-families 5000 km apart.</ref>. | ||
Reconstructed vocabulary and the current state of the Lahob peoples of the Far North makes us reconstruct the Proto-Lahob society as a non-urban civilization, possibly with rudimental agriculture only, with the only reconstructable "agricultural" terms being a root for "to plant, (cultivate?)" – ''*tɬewkj-'' – and a word for a cereal, likely "wheat" or "rye", ''*kawŋədot'' (most languages reflect it as the word for "rye", but Chlouvānem and the southernmost Core Lahob ones reflect it as "wheat"). The semi-nomadic lifestyle was prevalent, but population growth eventually proved enough to lead some tribes to migrate. Unsurprisingly, the geographical terms are consistent with a temperate, semi-arid location as those hypothesized; names of plants, trees, and animals are mostly only reconstructible from the Core Lahob languages, and if Chlouvānem has kept some they have mostly been generalized or shifted to similar elements in the Ur-Chlouvānem's new homeland. | Reconstructed vocabulary and the current state of the Lahob peoples of the Far North makes us reconstruct the Proto-Lahob society as a non-urban civilization, possibly with rudimental agriculture only, with the only reconstructable "agricultural" terms being a root for "to plant, (cultivate?)" – ''*tɬewkj-'' – and a word for a cereal, likely "wheat" or "rye", ''*kawŋədot'' (most languages reflect it as the word for "rye", but Chlouvānem and the southernmost Core Lahob ones reflect it as "wheat"). The semi-nomadic lifestyle was prevalent, but population growth eventually proved enough to lead some tribes to migrate. Unsurprisingly, the geographical terms are consistent with a temperate, semi-arid location as those hypothesized; names of plants, trees, and animals are mostly only reconstructible from the Core Lahob languages, and if Chlouvānem has kept some they have mostly been generalized or shifted to similar elements in the Ur-Chlouvānem's new homeland. | ||
Notably, a few Proto-Lahob loanwords are found in Proto-Samaidulic and Proto-Fargulyn, which means they often have cognates in other major languages such as [[Skyrdagor]], [[Brono-Fathanic]], or [[Qualdomelic]]. The main Lahob ethnonym, *ɬakʰober ("group, tribe, villabe", Chl. ''chlågbhah'' "tribe"), for example, is also found in Proto-Fargulyn as *laq'obɨr, and has reached modern Skyrdagor as ''lokjur'' "farmstead". These borrowings are often cited as a point towards placement of the Lahob homeland by the High Ivulit, as the homelands of both Proto-Samaidulic and Proto-Fargulyn are also hypothesized to be in the area (even if they are also contested). | Notably, a few Proto-Lahob loanwords are found in Proto-Samaidulic and Proto-Fargulyn, which means they often have cognates in other major languages such as [[Skyrdagor]], [[Brono-Fathanic]], or [[Qualdomelic]]. The main Lahob ethnonym, *ɬakʰober ("group, tribe, villabe", Chl. ''chlågbhah'' "clan, tribe, (archaic: rural village, esp. if in areas poorly suited to agriculture)"), for example, is also found in Proto-Fargulyn as *laq'obɨr, and has reached modern Skyrdagor as ''lokjur'' "farmstead". These borrowings are often cited as a point towards placement of the Lahob homeland by the High Ivulit, as the homelands of both Proto-Samaidulic and Proto-Fargulyn are also hypothesized to be in the area (even if they are also contested). | ||
===Ur-Chlouvānem=== | ===Ur-Chlouvānem=== | ||
''Pre-Chlouvānem'', ''Proto-Chlouvānem'', or ''Ur-Chlouvānem'' (''ochlǣvānumi dhāḍa'') is the term for the unattested stage of Chlouvānem in the millennium between the end of the common Proto-Lahob period and either the settlement in the Inland Jade Coast, in the lands ultimately drained by Lake Lūlunīkam, or the first attestation of the existence of the Chlouvānem people, in a [[Lällshag]] inscription dated around 3850~3900, approximately 200 years before the lifetime of the Chlamiṣvatrā and a bit less than half a millennium before the founding of the Inquisition. | ''Pre-Chlouvānem'', ''Proto-Chlouvānem'', or ''Ur-Chlouvānem'' (''ochlǣvānumi dhāḍa'') is the term for the unattested stage of Chlouvānem in the millennium between the end of the common Proto-Lahob period and either the settlement in the Inland Jade Coast, in the lands ultimately drained by Lake Lūlunīkam, or the first attestation of the existence of the Chlouvānem people, in a [[Lällshag]] inscription dated around 3850~3900, approximately 200 years before the lifetime of the Chlamiṣvatrā and a bit less than half a millennium before the founding of the Inquisition. | ||
The trek of the Ur-Chlouvānem across Márusúturon was likely carried out by a series of tribes, some of whose likely settled in places along the route; the long route most likely passed through Tiṃhayāla Pass, between present-day Maišikota and | The trek of the Ur-Chlouvānem across Márusúturon was likely carried out by a series of tribes, some of whose likely settled in places along the route; the long route most likely passed through Tiṃhayāla Pass, between present-day Maišikota and Nālaṭhirūṇa, which is one of the most important passes of the whole continent, a relatively low crossing between the plains of Līnajaiṭa and, therefore, the Little Ivulit, and the upper reaches of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra, leading to the whole Great Chlouvānem Plain. Therefore, the long trek of the Ur-Chlouvānem was, except for this pass, mainly in flat territory, facilitating their migration. | ||
Linguistically, Ur-Chlouvānem was very conservative, retaining most traits of Proto-Lahob morphology. However, it did develop some traits unique to Chlouvānem, not present in the Core Lahob languages: | Linguistically, Ur-Chlouvānem was very conservative, retaining most traits of Proto-Lahob morphology. However, it did develop some traits unique to Chlouvānem, not present in the Core Lahob languages: | ||
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Phonetically, Ur-Chlouvānem retained most consonant phonemes of Proto-Lahob, losing one point of articulation for stops (the labiovelar) but gaining a new one (the retroflex). At least one phoneme, the glottal stop, was introduced through borrowings. Vowels saw more changes, with Proto-Lahob *a *ā and *o *ō merging into /ä/, as well as peculiar developments for vowels, leading to the emergence of front rounded vowels in the Ur-Chlouvānem stage which, however, became unrounded well before the earliest attestations, like PLB ''*hōwrar'' "summer" → UrChl. *[høʏ̯ʀaχ] → Chl. ''heirah'' "year"; these are not to be confused with the attested front rounded vowels, which are a later development, in non-Standard, Classical-era dialects, such as Lūlunīkami ''fülde'', ''fǖldöy'' [ɸyɴ̆de] [ɸyːɴ̆døʏ̯] for standard ''ħulde'', ''ħildoe'' ("to play", "game") ← PLB ''*pʰɨʕəd-ke'', ''*pʰɨːʕədõ''. | Phonetically, Ur-Chlouvānem retained most consonant phonemes of Proto-Lahob, losing one point of articulation for stops (the labiovelar) but gaining a new one (the retroflex). At least one phoneme, the glottal stop, was introduced through borrowings. Vowels saw more changes, with Proto-Lahob *a *ā and *o *ō merging into /ä/, as well as peculiar developments for vowels, leading to the emergence of front rounded vowels in the Ur-Chlouvānem stage which, however, became unrounded well before the earliest attestations, like PLB ''*hōwrar'' "summer" → UrChl. *[høʏ̯ʀaχ] → Chl. ''heirah'' "year"; these are not to be confused with the attested front rounded vowels, which are a later development, in non-Standard, Classical-era dialects, such as Lūlunīkami ''fülde'', ''fǖldöy'' [ɸyɴ̆de] [ɸyːɴ̆døʏ̯] for standard ''ħulde'', ''ħildoe'' ("to play", "game") ← PLB ''*pʰɨʕəd-ke'', ''*pʰɨːʕədõ''. | ||
Lexically, Ur-Chlouvānem borrowed a lot of word roots from other, otherwise unattested languages: while the grammar of Chlouvānem is unmistakeably Lahob, a lot of its vocabulary isn't, and a large number of its roots (about 25%) has not been traced to either Proto-Lahob or to any known language of the new homeland. Note, though, that this does not mean they are certainly from other languages: they may be Lahob words lacking a cognate in any surviving Core Lahob language, or borrowings from a minor language of their migration destination not attested otherwise. Such vocabulary is found in every semantic field, including animals (''yoñšam'' "donkey"; ''snīdbhas'' "bull") and general natural things or cultural products (''brāṣṭhis'' "stream", ''gurḍhyam'' "flute"), but often clearly related to an agrarian society (''nakthum'' "storage", '' | Lexically, Ur-Chlouvānem borrowed a lot of word roots from other, otherwise unattested languages: while the grammar of Chlouvānem is unmistakeably Lahob, a lot of its vocabulary isn't, and a large number of its roots (about 25%) has not been traced to either Proto-Lahob or to any known language of the new homeland. Note, though, that this does not mean they are certainly from other languages: they may be Lahob words lacking a cognate in any surviving Core Lahob language, or borrowings from a minor language of their migration destination not attested otherwise. Such vocabulary is found in every semantic field, including animals (''yoñšam'' "donkey"; ''snīdbhas'' "bull") and general natural things or cultural products (''brāṣṭhis'' "stream", ''gurḍhyam'' "flute"), but often clearly related to an agrarian society (''nakthum'' "storage", ''vaiṣrya'' "plough"). | ||
===Archaic and Classical Chlouvānem=== | ===Archaic and Classical Chlouvānem=== | ||
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===Pronunciations=== | ===Pronunciations=== | ||
All true dialects of Chlouvānem eventually developed into distinct vernaculars, so that the diatopical variation of contemporary Chlouvānem are referred to as '''pronunciations''' (in Chl. ''babhrāyāṃsai'', sg. ''babhrāyāṃsa'', literally "land-sound"), a somewhat misleading term given that they do not just vary in pronunciation (with prosody being often the main point of divergence), but even more in vocabulary.<br/> | |||
Pronunciations are grouped in broad areas which more or less overlap with the cultural macroregions (the administrative Tribunals) and with the distribution of the subgroupings of the Chlouvānem ethnicity. Local pronunciations are generally not tied to a specific ethnic group, only to the area they're spoken in, and they show significantly less variation than vernaculars. | |||
* Jade | |||
* Western Plain | Chlouvānem pronunciations are generally grouped as follows: | ||
* | * Jade Coastal, Eastern Plain, and Southern (''lūṇḍhyalimvi naleidhoyi no nyuvyuñci no''), broadly corresponding to the tribunals of the Jade Coast, Southern Plain, the South, the Eastern Plain, the Līrah River Hills, and parts of the Northern and Central Plain. Standard Chlouvānem is based on one of these pronunciations; | ||
* Eastern (''nalejñuñci''), in the | * Western Plain (''samvāldhoyi''), corresponding to the tribunals of the Western Plain, parts of the Northern and Central Plain, and the Inland Southwest; | ||
* Northeastern (''helaṣyuñci''), in the Northeast | * Southeastern (''talehiyuñci''), used in the tribunals of the Near East, the Southern Far East, and the Southeastern Islands; | ||
* Western (''samvālyuñci''), in the | * Eastern (''nalejñuñci''), used in the Northern Far East and in the East; | ||
* Northeastern and Hålvarami (''helaṣyuñci hålvarami no''), used in the Northeast and in the Hålvaram plateau; | |||
* Sand Coastal (''chleblimvi''), including the pronunciations of the Coastal Southwest, small parts of the Inland Southwest, and the eastern part of the Western tribunal; | |||
* Western (''samvālyuñci''), in most of the West and in the Far West (the eastern part of the historical Dabuke areas). | |||
The remaining areas are those of more recent Chlouvānemization, and aside from not having a distinct subgroup of the Chlouvānem ethnicity, they also don't have distinct pronunciation features, being closer to Standard Chlouvānem. Many of these areas also don't have a general Chlouvānem-derived vernacular and so in urban areas the standard language is used even in the most informal contexts. These areas include Hokujaši and Aratāram island as well as Kēhamijāṇa in the Northeast; the Hivampaida and Måhañjaiṭa in the North; virtually all of the Northwest; and the two island groups not part of any tribunal: the Kāmilbausa islands due south of the Western tribunal and the Kāyīchah islands off the eastern coast of Védren.<br/>Chlouvānem as spoken in countries of the former Kaiṣamā (and especially Kŭyŭgwažtow) is sometimes included in this category, although the prominence of contact with the local official languages has rendered those variants quite distinct in vocabulary and sometimes in the phonemic inventory too. | |||
===Vernaculars=== | ===Vernaculars=== | ||
Most local vernaculars of the Inquisition (''babhrāmaivai'', sg. ''babhrāmaiva'', literally “land word(s)”) are, linguistically, the daughter languages of Classical Chlouvānem. They are the result of normal language evolution with, in most areas, enormous influences by substrata. | Most local vernaculars of the Inquisition (''babhrāmaivai'', sg. ''babhrāmaiva'', literally “land word(s)”) are, linguistically, the daughter languages of Classical Chlouvānem. They are the result of normal language evolution with, in most areas, enormous influences by substrata. | ||
Actually, only a bit more than half of the Inquisition has a vernacular that is a true daughter language - most areas conquered in the last 600 years, thus since the late 6th millennium, speak a creole language, with an almost completely Chlouvānem lexicon and a grammar which shows | Actually, only a bit more than half of the Inquisition has a vernacular that is a true daughter language - most areas conquered in the last 600 years, thus since the late 6th millennium, speak a creole language, with an almost completely Chlouvānem lexicon and a grammar which shows simplifications and Chlouvānem-odd traits uncommon to languages of the heartlands. It is however widely agreed on that the Eastern Chlouvānem languages, despite being considered true daughter languages, have a large and long creolization history. | ||
The main division for local vernaculars - or Chlouvānem languages - is the one in groups, as few of them are standardized and large areas are dialect continua where it is extremely difficult to determine which dialects belong to a particular language and which ones do not. Furthermore, most people speak of their vernacular as “the word of [village name]”, and always refer to them as local variants of the same Chlouvānem language, without major distinctions from the national language which is always Classical Chlouvānem<ref>It's just as if speakers of Parisian French, Florentine Tuscan and Carioca Brazilian would still say they spoke dialects of (Classical) Latin.</ref>. Individual “languages” are thus simply defined starting from the diocese they’re spoken in, so for example the Nanašīrami language includes all dialects spoken in the diocese of Nanašīrama, despite those spoken in the eastern parts of the diocese being closer to those spoken in Takajñanta than to the Nanašīrami dialect of [[Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition/Līlasuṃghāṇa|Līlasuṃghāṇa]] - which has, however, lots of common points with the Lanamilūki Valley dialects of Talæñoya to the south.<br/> Note that the word ''maiva'', in Chlouvānem, only identifies a language spoken in a certain area which is typically considered to belong to a wider language community, independent of its origin. It does not have any pejorative meaning of stigmatization, unlike examples like e.g. ''lingua'' vs. ''dialetto'' in Italian. | The main division for local vernaculars - or Chlouvānem languages - is the one in groups, as few of them are standardized and large areas are dialect continua where it is extremely difficult to determine which dialects belong to a particular language and which ones do not. Furthermore, most people speak of their vernacular as “the word of [village name]”, and always refer to them as local variants of the same Chlouvānem language, without major distinctions from the national language which is always Classical Chlouvānem<ref>It's just as if speakers of Parisian French, Florentine Tuscan and Carioca Brazilian would still say they spoke dialects of (Classical) Latin.</ref>. Individual “languages” are thus simply defined starting from the diocese they’re spoken in, so for example the Nanašīrami language includes all dialects spoken in the diocese of Nanašīrama, despite those spoken in the eastern parts of the diocese being closer to those spoken in Takajñanta than to the Nanašīrami dialect of [[Verse:Chlouvānem Inquisition/Līlasuṃghāṇa|Līlasuṃghāṇa]] - which has, however, lots of common points with the Lanamilūki Valley dialects of Talæñoya to the south.<br/> Note that the word ''maiva'', in Chlouvānem, only identifies a language spoken in a certain area which is typically considered to belong to a wider language community, independent of its origin. It does not have any pejorative meaning of stigmatization, unlike examples like e.g. ''lingua'' vs. ''dialetto'' in Italian. | ||
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Main local vernaculars by macroarea (Tribunal): | Main local vernaculars by macroarea (Tribunal): | ||
* '''Jade Coast, Eastern Plain, Northern Plain, parts of the Central Plain''' | * '''Jade Coast, Eastern Plain, Northern Plain, parts of the Central Plain''' | ||
** Eastern Plain and Jade Coast dialect continuum (''naleidhoyi | ** Eastern Plain and Jade Coast dialect continuum (''naleidhoyi lūṇḍhyalimvi no maivai'') — spoken in the eastern half of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, the Jade Coast (littoral and interior), and the northern part of the rainforest. If Chlouvānem itself is not counted as being spoken natively, then this dialect continuum constitutes Calémere's most spoken language by number of native speakers. | ||
** Northern Plain dialect continuum (''kehaṃdhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the northern Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, in the foothills of the Camipāṇḍa mountains. It has traits of both the Eastern Plain and the Western Plain continua, but also has its odd features common throughout the area but lacking in the other two groups. However, due to internal migration, the linguistic border is rather odd, especially the one with the Eastern Plain continuum: the contemporary vernacular of Mamaikala, the largest city of the Northern Plain, as well as nearby areas on the mid-Lāmberah river, is undoubtedly Eastern, despite being well into Northern-speaking territory. | ** Northern Plain dialect continuum (''kehaṃdhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the northern Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, in the foothills of the Camipāṇḍa mountains. It has traits of both the Eastern Plain and the Western Plain continua, but also has its odd features common throughout the area but lacking in the other two groups. However, due to internal migration, the linguistic border is rather odd, especially the one with the Eastern Plain continuum: the contemporary vernacular of Mamaikala, the largest city of the Northern Plain, as well as nearby areas on the mid-Lāmberah river, is undoubtedly Eastern, despite being well into Northern-speaking territory.<br/>The areas from the Namaikaheh eastwards beyond the Līrah river were, in South Márusúturonian Antiquity, the heartlands of civilizations speaking Dayleshi languages: Ancient Namaikahi, Nenesic, and Pyotic. While these were written administrative languages at the time, and kept being used alongside Chlouvānem in the first centuries of Chlouvānemization, they left no descendants. While the amount of Dayleshi loanwords into Classical Chlouvānem is negligible, Dayleshi substrata have been identified for nearly the entirety of the Northern Plain dialect continuum<ref>The toponym ''Namaikaheh'' for the Northern Plain (most of the Lāmberah valley) is itself borrowed from the Lällshag adaptation of the original Ancient Namaikahi word.</ref>. | ||
* '''Western Plain, Inland Southwest, parts of the Central Plain''' | * '''Western Plain, Inland Southwest, parts of the Central Plain''' | ||
** Western Plain dialect continuum (''samvāldhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the western half of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, including the Inland Southwest | ** Western Plain dialect continuum (''samvāldhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the western half of the Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, including the majority of the Inland Southwest. | ||
** Southwestern Plain dialect continuum (''māħimdhoyi maivai'') — spoken in the southwestern part of the plain and small parts of the Inland Southwest. Unlike other Chlouvānem-origin dialect continua, these are the daughter languages not of Chlouvānem (indigenous - as in the Jade Coast - or introduced), but of the closely related Western Ancient Chlouvānem. | |||
* '''South and Coastal Southwest''' | * '''South and Coastal Southwest''' | ||
** Jungle language (''nanaimaiva'') — term for the Chlouvānem daughter language spoken across most of the South, including nearby islands. Due to the historical importance of Hālyanēṃṣah and Lūlunimarta in the Chlouvānem Age of Discovery, the ''nanaimaiva'' is sometimes considered one of the most prestigious vernaculars and, almost uniquely for a Chlouvānem vernacular, it has contributed quite a few words to foreign languages. | ** Jungle language (''nanaimaiva'') — term for the Chlouvānem daughter language spoken across most of the South, including nearby islands. Due to the historical importance of Hālyanēṃṣah and Lūlunimarta in the Chlouvānem Age of Discovery, the ''nanaimaiva'' is sometimes considered one of the most prestigious vernaculars and, almost uniquely for a Chlouvānem vernacular, it has contributed quite a few words to foreign languages. A number of dialects derived from Lūlunimarti known by the name of ''Kaikhūñi'' are spoken in various linguistic islands on the coast of the Far East, in historic trading posts of the Lūlunimarti Republic. | ||
** Many inland villages in the rainforest have their own local language, often not related to Chlouvānem. Large parts of the area are therefore trilingual, with the local language being spoken alongside Classical Chlouvānem and a local ''nanaimaiva'' dialect - often described as being "Hālyanēṃṣah-type", "Kælšamīṇṭa-type", or "Lūlunimarta-type" from its similarity to the three main dialects. | ** Many inland villages in the rainforest have their own local language, often not related to Chlouvānem. Large parts of the area are therefore trilingual, with the local language being spoken alongside Classical Chlouvānem and a local ''nanaimaiva'' dialect - often described as being "Hālyanēṃṣah-type", "Kælšamīṇṭa-type", or "Lūlunimarta-type" from its similarity to the three main dialects. | ||
** Sand Coast dialect continuum ('' | ** Sand Coast dialect continuum (''chleblimvi maivai'') — spoken across the Sand Coast, i.e. the Coastal Southwest tribunal. The dialects of Vāstarilīmva, at the southwesternmost tip of the main subcontinental body, have mixed Sand Coastal and ''nanaimaiva'' traits. | ||
* '''Near East''' | * '''Near East''' | ||
** Near Eastern dialect continuum ('' | ** Near Eastern dialect continuum (''mūtyānalejñutei maivai'') — a dialect continuum spoken in the Near East, the area roughly between Āgrajaiṭa and Yambrajaiṭa in the west and the Cāllikāneh mountains in the east. | ||
** Rǣrumi (''ræ:æron u xæræž''; Chl.: ''rǣrumi dhāḍa'') — the Fargulyn language (distantly related to [[Skyrdagor]]) of the historically nomadic Rǣrai, which were settled in Kaiṣamā times in a hilly area between the Near East and the Northern Far East, nowadays the semi-ethnic diocese of Rǣrajāṇai. | ** Rǣrumi (''ræ:æron u xæræž''; Chl.: ''rǣrumi dhāḍa'') — the Fargulyn language (distantly related to [[Skyrdagor]]) of the historically nomadic Rǣrai, which were settled in Kaiṣamā times in a hilly area between the Near East and the Northern Far East, nowadays the semi-ethnic diocese of Rǣrajāṇai. | ||
** Kanoë-Pulin languages (''kanoyēpulin ga dhāḍai'') — a language family mostly spoken in the Kahaludāh mountains and hills in Yarañšūṇa, | ** Kanoë-Pulin languages (''kanoyēpulin ga dhāḍai'') — a language family mostly spoken in the Kahaludāh mountains and hills in Yarañšūṇa, Tumidajaiṭa, and parts of Kotaijaiṭa and Naitontā. Tumidumi (''sokaw y eetumið''; Chl. ''tumidumi dhāḍa''), spoken by the Tumidai people of the ethnic diocese of Tumidajaiṭa, is by far the most spoken. | ||
** Kotayumi (''kotaii šot''; Chl. ''kotayumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language (likely distantly related to the Kanoë-Pulin family) spoken by the Kotayai, indigenous people of the ethnic diocese of | ** Kotayumi (''kotaii šot''; Chl. ''kotayumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language (likely distantly related to the Kanoë-Pulin family) spoken by the Kotayai, indigenous people of the ethnic diocese of Kotaijaiṭa. | ||
** Kitaldian languages (''kitaludumi dhāḍai'') – historically spoken in southern Pēmbajaiṭa, in the Rǣrajāṇai, and in most of western and northern Lakṝṣyāṇa; this remains their present-day distribution, but mostly in rural and mountainous areas. | |||
* '''Southern Far East and Southeastern islands''' | * '''Southern Far East and Southeastern islands''' | ||
** Katamadelī (''katamadelī maivai'') — dialect continuum of Chlouvānem daughter languages spoken on the western coast of the Far East and its interior, from far southern | ** Katamadelī (''katamadelī maivai'') — dialect continuum of Chlouvānem daughter languages spoken on the western coast of the Far East and its interior, from far southern Pēmbajaiṭa up to the southeasternmost tip near Ehaliħombu. ''Katamadelē'' is a traditional, pre-Chlouvānem name for today's Lakṝṣyāṇa diocese, later extended to the whole area. | ||
** | ** Naleilimvi (''naleilimvi maivai'') — the dialect continuum of Chlouvānem daughter languages spoken - as the name says - on the eastern coast (''naleilimva'') of the Far East, from Torašitā in the north to Daihāgaiya in the south. | ||
** Hūnakañumi ('' | ** Hūnakañumi (''huwănaganь sisāt''; Chl. ''hūnakañumi dhāḍa'') — the Yalikamian language of the Hūnakañai, the indigenous people of the ethnic diocese of Hūnakañjaiṭa; as with many Near- and Far Eastern languages, it belongs to the Yalikamian languages. It is however spoken only in sparsely populated hilly areas, and the diocese is predominantly Chlouvānem, including the macroregional metropolis and tenth-largest city of the Inquisition, Līlekhaitē. | ||
** Tendukumi (''tănduk sisod''; Chl. ''tendukumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language spoken by the Tendukai people of the ethnic diocese of | ** Tendukumi (''tănduk sisod''; Chl. ''tendukumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language spoken by the Tendukai people of the ethnic diocese of Tendukijaiṭa. By percentage of speakers in its native area, it is one of the most spoken languages among officially recognized ones in ethnic diocese, with about 41% of people in Tendukijaiṭa speaking it. The diocese, however, is the least populated in the tribunal. | ||
** Niyobumi (''niyyube | ** Niyobumi (''niyyube sesaϑ''; Chl. ''niyobumi dhāḍa'') — a Yalikamian language spoken in the hilly areas of Niyobajaiṭa ethnic diocese. | ||
** other Yalikamian languages (''yalikamyumi dhāḍai'') – thirteen indigenous languages in Yamyenai as well as Kondabumi, which is however often considered a transitional dialect continuum between Hūnakañumi and Tendukumi. | |||
** Kaldaic languages (''kaldani dhāḍai'') – before Chlouvānemization, the main language family spoken on the littoral from central-eastern Lakṝṣyāṇa to Daihāgajña; in most of Hūnakañjaiṭa it was first replaced by Hūnakañumi, whose speakers came from inland. Today a few of these languages remain, in non-contiguous areas, including far eastern Lakṝṣyāṇa and the southeastern Rǣrajāṇai, eastern Hūnakañjaiṭa, the Ṭilva mountains of Yayadalga, as well as the insular part of that diocese, and insular and coastal western Daihāgajña. | |||
** Maty languages (''matū ga dhāḍai'') – spoken in insular Lakṝṣyāṇa and Hūnakañjaiṭa, with outliers in the Korabi islands and the northern coast of Kumilanai; these areas were already its pre-Chlouvānem distribution. | |||
** Toiban languages (''tåyumbumi dhāḍai'') – historically spoken in Āturiyāmba, Jaṣmoeraus, inland Yayadalga, and northern Daihāgajña; today consisting of seven languages, the most spoken of whose is Kaɂapumi (''kaɂapumi dhāḍa''), spoken in central Jaṣmoeraus. | |||
** Ninat-Yowgi languages (''ninatuyovugi ga dhāḍai'') – historically spoken in Ājvajaiṭa, coastal Niyobajaiṭa, and central and southern Torašitā; was already being displaced from the latter area before Chlouvānemization by Toyubeshian speakers; today, they mostly remain in rural central and western Ājvajaiṭa. | |||
** Kumilanāyi (''kumilanāyi maiva'') — a Chlouvānem language spoken on Kumilanai and neighboring islands. | ** Kumilanāyi (''kumilanāyi maiva'') — a Chlouvānem language spoken on Kumilanai and neighboring islands. | ||
** Tātanībāmi (''etek | ** Tātanībāmi (''etek tatănibåŋ''; Chl. ''tātanībāmi dhāḍa'') — the main language spoken on the island of Tātanībāma, in most of the other islands in the Haichā group, and on Tahīɂa. Most languages of the Leyunakā islands - commonly known as Northern Leyunakī and Southern Leyunakī - are also related to Tātanībāmi, with varying degrees of mutual intelligibility. | ||
** | ** Tandameipi (''nzɛk pɔb''; Chl.: ''tandameipi dhāḍa'') — the indigenous language of Tandameipa island, the southernmost of the Southeastern archipelago. It belongs to the Litoic branches of Outward Melau, itself a sub-branch of the Nduagaz languages mostly spoken in Queáten; the Nduagaz homeland itself is in southern Púríton, which makes these Outward Melau branches in Márusúturon the only Calémerian languages that before the age of colonization were spread between the Old and the New World. | ||
** Kaŋbo (''tūs kaŋbo''; Chl.: ''kalbo ga dhāḍa'') – a Heiga language (a branch of Outward Melau) spoken by three thousand people on Kaŋbotu island, the southernmost of the Leyunakā group. | |||
** Nukahucī (''ăŋkahisi phū''; Chl.: ''nukahucī dhāḍa'' or ''nukahucē ga lanāyān dhāḍa'') – a Litoic language spoken in the remote Nukahucē atolls, which constitute the smallest and least populous diocese of the Inquisition. | |||
* '''Northern Far East''' | * '''Northern Far East''' | ||
** Kaitajaši (''kaitajaši maivai'') — a dialect continuum spoken in most of the Northern Far Eastern tribunal, the historically Toyubeshian lands. | ** Kaitajaši (''kaitajaši maivai'') — a dialect continuum spoken in most of the Northern Far Eastern tribunal, the historically Toyubeshian lands. | ||
** Modern Toyubeshian (''úat Vyānxāi'', ''úat Từaobát'', ''úat Xợothiāp'' or other names; Chl.: ''tayubešumi tāvyāṣusire dhāḍa'') — a koiné language for the dialects widely spoken in the inland areas of the former Toyubeshian lands. The common name is actually misleading, as it is not a daughter language of Toyubeshian (the former courtly language the loans in Chlouvānem and most local placenames came from), but of a related language<ref>The geographical name "Từaobát" [tˢɯː˥˩.aw˧.baθ˨˥], used by Modern Toyubeshian speakers from Hirakaṣṭē and eastern Moyukaitā for their land, is however a cognate of "Toyubeshi", from reconstructed Proto-Toyubeshian *təwjow bæsɨ. Both Toy. ''toyu'' and Modern Toy. ''từao'' mean "person"; Toy. ''beshi'' means "kingdom", but there is no Modern Toy. *bát, as it was most likely displaced by the Chlouvānem word (''púgakxalibána'' from ''pūgakṣarivāṇa'').</ref>. Due to the common koiné it is considered a single language; however, dialects on the eastern and western ends on the area are for the most part mutually unintelligible. Counting together all of its varieties, it is the most spoken non-Chlouvānem language of the Inquisition. | ** Modern Toyubeshian (''úat Vyānxāi'', ''úat Từaobát'', ''úat Xợothiāp'' or other names; Chl.: ''tayubešumi tāvyāṣusire dhāḍa'') — a koiné language for the dialects widely spoken in the inland areas of the former Toyubeshian lands. The common name is actually misleading, as it is not a daughter language of Toyubeshian (the former courtly language the loans in Chlouvānem and most local placenames came from), but of a related language<ref>The geographical name "Từaobát" [tˢɯː˥˩.aw˧.baθ˨˥], used by Modern Toyubeshian speakers from Hirakaṣṭē and eastern Moyukaitā for their land, is however a cognate of "Toyubeshi", from reconstructed Proto-Toyubeshian *təwjow bæsɨ. Both Toy. ''toyu'' and Modern Toy. ''từao'' mean "person"; Toy. ''beshi'' means "kingdom", but there is no Modern Toy. *bát, as it was most likely displaced by the Chlouvānem word (''púgakxalibána'' from ''pūgakṣarivāṇa'').</ref>: Classical Toyubeshian formed its own branch of the Tabian languages, while Modern Toyubeshian is part o the Tabi-Konashi branch. Due to the common koiné it is considered a single language; however, dialects on the eastern and western ends on the area are for the most part mutually unintelligible. Still, the varieties of Šimatoga and Hachitama constitute a sister branch, the Ki-Konashi languages, and are therefore often excluded. Counting together all of its varieties (and even when excluding Ki-Konashi), it is the most spoken non-Chlouvānem language of the Inquisition. | ||
** languages of the Outlying Islands of Haikamotē: vernaculars of the insular part of otherwise Chlouvānem-dominated Haikamotē, they are the only living descendants of Classical Toyubeshian. | |||
** Kowtic languages (''kotyumi dhāḍai'') – third branch of the Tabian languages, historically spoken in Naitontā and the northern coast of Torašitā. With the territory having been also settled and conquered by Toyubeshians, Kanoë-Pulin speakers in the far western part, and the Chlouvānem, today they include two mutually unintelligible languages spoken by about twenty thousand people in southern Naitontā. | |||
* '''East and Northeast''' | * '''East and Northeast''' | ||
** Hachitami-Šimatogi (''hachitami šimatogi no maivai'') — the Chlouvānem language spoken in most of the Eastern dioceses of Hachitama, Šimatoga, Utsunaya as well as northern Šiyotami and rural Padeikola. Often considered the northwesternmost extent of the Kaitajaši dialect continuum. | ** Hachitami-Šimatogi (''hachitami šimatogi no maivai'') — the Chlouvānem language spoken in most of the Eastern dioceses of Hachitama, Šimatoga, Utsunaya as well as northern Šiyotami and rural Padeikola. Often considered the northwesternmost extent of the Kaitajaši dialect continuum. | ||
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** Čathísǫ̃́g (''tłę́mí Čathísǫ̃́gbud''; Chl.: ''chandisēkumi dhāḍa'') — main vernacular in the ethnic diocese of Jįveimintītas. It is one of only two official languages of ethnic dioceses - together with Bazá - which is official in other countries, in this case it is the national language in the bordering country of Gwęčathíbõth as well as in the latter's northern neighbour C′ı̨bedǫ́s. | ** Čathísǫ̃́g (''tłę́mí Čathísǫ̃́gbud''; Chl.: ''chandisēkumi dhāḍa'') — main vernacular in the ethnic diocese of Jįveimintītas. It is one of only two official languages of ethnic dioceses - together with Bazá - which is official in other countries, in this case it is the national language in the bordering country of Gwęčathíbõth as well as in the latter's northern neighbour C′ı̨bedǫ́s. | ||
* '''North''' | * '''North''' | ||
** | ** Hålvarami (''hålvarami maivai'') — a family of Chlouvānem-based creoles spoken in the dioceses of the Hålvaram plateau (Mārmalūdven, Doyukitama, Taibigāša, Kayūkānaki). | ||
** Dahelyumi (''dæhæng pop''; Chl.: ''dahelyumi dhāḍa'') — a language isolate (often subject to controversial classification theories) spoken by the Daheliai people of the ethnic diocese of Dahelijaiṭa, Northern tribunal, mostly in rural villages. | ** Dahelyumi (''dæhæng pop''; Chl.: ''dahelyumi dhāḍa'') — a language isolate (often subject to controversial classification theories) spoken by the Daheliai people of the ethnic diocese of Dahelijaiṭa, Northern tribunal, mostly in rural villages. | ||
** | ** Qorfur (''ekişen ti qorfur''; Chl. ''kharpuryumi dhāḍa'') — a Balmudic language, part of the Fargulyn family and hence distantly related to Skyrdagor (Karaskyr branch) and the non-Chlouvānem Hålvarumi languages, spoken by the Qorfur people of the diocese of Vaskuvānuh (''Wask-wanu'' in Qorfur). Most Qorfur live, however, in the bordering country of Qorfurkweo or as the extremely large Qorfur diaspora, very numerous across Greater Skyrdagor. | ||
** Saṃhayoli (''saṃhayoli maiva'') — a Chlouvānem-based creole spoken in the diocese of Saṃhayolah and parts of Maichlahåryan. | ** Saṃhayoli (''saṃhayoli maiva'') — a Chlouvānem-based creole spoken in the diocese of Saṃhayolah and parts of Maichlahåryan. | ||
** [[Brono-Fathanic|Moamatemposisy]] (''ta fewåwanie ta mwåmahimbušihy''; Chl.: ''måmatempuñiyi dhāḍa'') — a variant of Brono-Fathanic spoken as a vernacular in the northern part of the diocese of Hivampaida. It is a triglossic area, as for official purposes, aside from Chlouvānem, Standard Bronic is also used. | ** [[Brono-Fathanic|Moamatemposisy]] (''ta fewåwanie ta mwåmahimbušihy''; Chl.: ''måmatempuñiyi dhāḍa'') — a variant of Brono-Fathanic spoken as a vernacular in the northern part of the diocese of Hivampaida. It is a triglossic area, as for official purposes, aside from Chlouvānem, Standard Bronic is also used. | ||
** In the whole North there are various pockets of [[Skyrdagor]] speakers due to the vicinity of Greater Skyrdagor, especially in Maichlahåryan (which was a part of Gorjan until the Kaiṣamā era). Skyrdagor varieties spoken here are mostly similar to Gorjonur, the variant spoken in the Greater Skyrdegan country of Gorjan. | ** In the whole North there are various pockets of [[Skyrdagor]] speakers due to the vicinity of Greater Skyrdagor, especially in Maichlahåryan (which was a part of Gorjan until the Kaiṣamā era). Skyrdagor varieties spoken here are mostly similar to Gorjonur, the variant spoken in the Greater Skyrdegan country of Gorjan. | ||
* '''Northwest''' | |||
** Luspori (''nmụñu Lụspori''; Chl. ''lyušparumi dhāḍa'') — the main vernacular of northern Srāmiṇajāṇai, a Maëbic language which is also the most spoken language of the neighboring country of Maëb and is also spoken natively in parts of Péráno, Aréntía, and Mašifúk to the west, as well as by seminomadic groups further west; it is a trade language in all countries of the southern shore of the Carpan Sea. The dialect spoken in Srāmiṇajāṇai is of the same variants of the Maëb Coast, which is the most spoken and most homogeneous dialectal group; however, there are obvious differences in what concerns the different political structures and dominant languages of Maëb and the Inquisition. | |||
''[West to be added]'' | ''[West to be added]'' | ||
Some areas of the Inquisition do not have a major, local vernacular aside from the use of Classical Chlouvānem. The reason for all of these is that they were only recently (in the last two centuries) annexed to the Chlouvānem world and often there was no single local dominant language, so that there has been an often radical shift to Chlouvānem; some of these areas had also been Western colonies before being annexed by the Chlouvānem. These areas are: | Some areas of the Inquisition do not have a major, local vernacular aside from the use of Classical Chlouvānem. The reason for all of these is that they were only recently (in the last two centuries) annexed to the Chlouvānem world and often there was no single local dominant language, so that there has been an often radical shift to Chlouvānem; some of these areas had also been Western colonies before being annexed by the Chlouvānem. These areas are: | ||
* all of the Northwest with the exception of the northern | * all of the Northwest with the exception of the Luspori-speaking northern half of Srāmiṇajāṇai diocese. This includes the densely populated areas of Tārṣaivai and Līnajaiṭa, but also the virtually uninhabited deserts of Samvālšaṇṭrē and Ūnikadīltha. | ||
* the Nukahucē atoll chain, uninhabited before Chlouvānem settlement | * the Nukahucē atoll chain, uninhabited before Chlouvānem settlement | ||
* the Kāmilbausa islands, also previously uninhabited | * the Kāmilbausa islands, also previously uninhabited | ||
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{| class="redtable lightredbg" align="center" style="text-align: center; width: 40%" | | {| class="redtable lightredbg" align="center" style="text-align: center; width: 40%" | | ||
|- | |- | ||
! '''''m''''' !! '''''p''''' !! '''''ph''''' !! '''''b''''' !! '''''bh''''' !! '''''v''''' !! '''''n''''' !! '''''t''''' !! '''''th''''' !! '''''d''''' !! '''''dh''''' !! '''''s''''' | ! '''''m''''' !! '''''p''''' !! '''''ph''''' !! '''''b''''' !! '''''bh''''' !! '''''v''''' !! '''''n''''' !! '''''t''''' !! '''''th''''' !! '''''d''''' !! '''''dh''''' !! '''''s''''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
| {{IPA|/m/}} || {{IPA|/p/}} || {{IPA|/pʰ/}} || {{IPA|/b/}} || {{IPA|/bʱ/}} || {{IPA|/ʋ/}} || {{IPA|/n/}} || {{IPA|/t̪/}} || {{IPA|/t̪ʰ/}} || {{IPA|/d̪/}} || {{IPA|/d̪ʱ/}} || {{IPA|/s/}} | | {{IPA|/m/}} || {{IPA|/p/}} || {{IPA|/pʰ/}} || {{IPA|/b/}} || {{IPA|/bʱ/}} || {{IPA|/ʋ/}} || {{IPA|/n/}} || {{IPA|/t̪/}} || {{IPA|/t̪ʰ/}} || {{IPA|/d̪/}} || {{IPA|/d̪ʱ/}} || {{IPA|/s/}} | ||
|- | |- | ||
! '''''ṇ''''' !! '''''ṭ''''' !! '''''ṭh''''' !! '''''ḍ''''' !! '''''ḍh''''' !! '''''ṣ''''' !! '''''ñ''''' !! '''''c''''' !! '''''ch''''' !! '''''j''''' !! '''''jh''''' !! '''''š''''' | ! '''''ṇ''''' !! '''''ṭ''''' !! '''''ṭh''''' !! '''''ḍ''''' !! '''''ḍh''''' !! '''''ṣ''''' !! '''''ñ''''' !! '''''c''''' !! '''''ch''''' !! '''''j''''' !! '''''jh''''' !! '''''š''''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
| {{IPA|/ɳ/}} || {{IPA|/ʈ/}} || {{IPA|/ʈʰ/}} || {{IPA|/ɖ/}} || {{IPA|/ɖʱ/}} || {{IPA|/ʂ/}} || {{IPA|/ɲ/}} || {{IPA|/c͡ɕ/}} || {{IPA|/c͡ɕʰ/}} || {{IPA|/ɟ͡ʑ/}} || {{IPA|/ɟ͡ʑʱ/}} || {{IPA|/ɕ/}} | | {{IPA|/ɳ/}} || {{IPA|/ʈ/}} || {{IPA|/ʈʰ/}} || {{IPA|/ɖ/}} || {{IPA|/ɖʱ/}} || {{IPA|/ʂ/}} || {{IPA|/ɲ/}} || {{IPA|/c͡ɕ/}} || {{IPA|/c͡ɕʰ/}} || {{IPA|/ɟ͡ʑ/}} || {{IPA|/ɟ͡ʑʱ/}} || {{IPA|/ɕ/}} | ||
|- | |- | ||
! '''''y''''' !! '''''k''''' !! '''''kh''''' !! '''''g''''' !! '''''gh''''' !! '''''ṃ''''' !! '''''ɂ''''' !! ''''' | ! '''''y''''' !! '''''k''''' !! '''''kh''''' !! '''''g''''' !! '''''gh''''' !! '''''ṃ''''' !! '''''ɂ''''' !! '''''h''''' !! '''''ħ''''' !! '''''r''''' !! '''''l''''' !! '''''i''''' | ||
|- | |- | ||
| {{IPA|/j/}} || {{IPA|/k/}} || {{IPA|/kʰ/}} || {{IPA|/ɡ/}} || {{IPA|/ɡʱ/}} || {{IPA|/ɴ/}} || {{IPA|/Ɂ/}} || {{IPA|/ | | {{IPA|/j/}} || {{IPA|/k/}} || {{IPA|/kʰ/}} || {{IPA|/ɡ/}} || {{IPA|/ɡʱ/}} || {{IPA|/ɴ/}} || {{IPA|/Ɂ/}} || {{IPA|/ɦ/}} || {{IPA|/ħ/}} || {{IPA|/ʀ/}} || {{IPA|/ɴ̆/}} || {{IPA|/i/}} | ||
|- | |- | ||
! '''''ī''''' !! '''''į''''' !! '''''u''''' !! '''''ū''''' !! '''''ų''''' !! '''''e''''' !! '''''ē''''' !! '''''ę''''' !! '''''o''''' !! '''''æ''''' !! '''''ǣ''''' !! '''''a''''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
| {{IPA|/iː/}} || {{IPA|/i̤/}} || {{IPA|/u/}} || {{IPA|/uː/}} || {{IPA|/ṳ/}} || {{IPA|/e/}} || {{IPA|/eː/}} || {{IPA|/e̤/}} || {{IPA|/ɔ/}} || {{IPA|/ɛ/}} || {{IPA|/ɛː/}} || {{IPA|/ä/}} | |||
|- | |- | ||
! '''''ā''''' !! '''''ą''''' !! '''''ai''''' !! '''''ąi''''' !! '''''ei''''' !! '''''ęi''''' !! '''''oe''''' !! '''''au''''' !! '''''ąu''''' !! '''''å''''' !! '''''ṛ''''' !! '''''ṝ''''' | |||
|- | |- | ||
| {{IPA|/äː/}} || {{IPA|/ɑ̤/}} || {{IPA|/aɪ̯/}} || {{IPA|/a̤ɪ̯/}} || {{IPA|/eɪ̯/}} || {{IPA|/e̤ɪ̯/}} || {{IPA|/ɔə̯/}} || {{IPA|/aʊ̯/}} || {{IPA|/a̤ʊ̯/}} || {{IPA|/ɔ/}} || {{IPA|/ʀ̩/}} || {{IPA|/ʀ̩ː/}} | |||
|} | |} | ||
Some orthographical and phonological notes: | Some orthographical and phonological notes: | ||
| Line 266: | Line 250: | ||
* Short vowels are VtV*s, where the second V is ''a'' for '''æ''' (''ætas''), ''i'' for '''e''' (''etis''), and ''u'' for '''o''' (''otus''). | * Short vowels are VtV*s, where the second V is ''a'' for '''æ''' (''ætas''), ''i'' for '''e''' (''etis''), and ''u'' for '''o''' (''otus''). | ||
* Long vowels are vowel + ''-nis'' if unrounded (''īnis'', ''ēnis'', ''ānis''), but '''ū''', being rounded, is ''ūmus''. Oral diphthongs all have diphthong + ''-myas'' (''aimyas'', ''eimyas''…); '''å''' is counted as a diphthong and as such it is ''åmyas''. | * Long vowels are vowel + ''-nis'' if unrounded (''īnis'', ''ēnis'', ''ānis''), but '''ū''', being rounded, is ''ūmus''. Oral diphthongs all have diphthong + ''-myas'' (''aimyas'', ''eimyas''…); '''å''' is counted as a diphthong and as such it is ''åmyas''. | ||
* Breathy-voiced vowels are vowel + {{IPA|/ɦ/}} + vowel + s ('' | * Breathy-voiced vowels are vowel + {{IPA|/ɦ/}} + vowel + s (''ihis'', ''ahas'', ''uhus'', but ''ehas''). Breathy-voiced diphthongs are diphthong + {{IPA|/ɕ/}} + ''as'' (''ąišas'', ''ęišas'', ''ąušas''). | ||
===o and å=== | ===o and å=== | ||
| Line 282: | Line 266: | ||
===Abbreviations=== | ===Abbreviations=== | ||
: <small>''In this section, pure transcriptions are used. Superscript letters mark vowel diacritics; subscript letters mark conjoined consonants; a mid dot after the consonant (for '''m''', '''s''', and '''h''' only) marks a special final form; a dash marks the deletion mark of inherent vowels, and a tilde marks the abbreviation mark.''</small> | : <small>''In this section, pure transcriptions are used. Superscript letters mark vowel diacritics; subscript letters mark conjoined consonants; a mid dot after the consonant (for '''m''', '''s''', and '''h''' only) marks a special final form; a dash marks the deletion mark of inherent vowels, and a tilde marks the abbreviation mark.''</small> | ||
The Chlouvānem script has a specific, tilde-shaped, mark called ''aniguṃsṛṣūs'' which used to mark an abbreviation. In most cases, only the first and the last consonant (in some cases, the first two and the last, or the first one and the last two) of a word are written (including those normally written as part of a conjunct), without vowels, with the abbreviation sign written on top of the last letter. For example, the word ''dirūnnevya'' (grammatical case), written normally as '''d<sup><small>i</small></sup>r<sup><small>ū</small></sup>n<sub><small>n</small></sub><sup><small>e</small></sup>v<sub><small>y</small></sub>''', is abbreviated to '''dỹ''' or '''drỹ''', less commonly to '''dvỹ'''; '' | The Chlouvānem script has a specific, tilde-shaped, mark called ''aniguṃsṛṣūs'' which used to mark an abbreviation. In most cases, only the first and the last consonant (in some cases, the first two and the last, or the first one and the last two) of a word are written (including those normally written as part of a conjunct), without vowels, with the abbreviation sign written on top of the last letter. For example, the word ''dirūnnevya'' (grammatical case), written normally as '''d<sup><small>i</small></sup>r<sup><small>ū</small></sup>n<sub><small>n</small></sub><sup><small>e</small></sup>v<sub><small>y</small></sub>''', is abbreviated to '''dỹ''' or '''drỹ''', less commonly to '''dvỹ'''; ''nūlastām'' (money), '''n<sup><small>ū</small></sup>ls<sub><small>t</small></sub><sup><small>ā</small></sup><sub><small>m</small></sub>''', is abbreviated to '''nm̃''' or '''nlm̃'''.<br/> | ||
Cases are typically written without vowels (which means many of them are not differentiated at all). | Cases are typically written without vowels (which means many of them are not differentiated at all). | ||
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===Writing=== | ===Writing=== | ||
The Chlouvānem script is almost entirely composed of curved lines as, initially, it was written on leaves with reeds (''ħålka'', pl. ''ħålkai'') or brushes (''lattah'', pl. ''lattai''). With the invention, in the late 5th millennium, of paper (traditional Chlouvānem paper or ''mirtah'' is handmade by fibres from various types of wooden bushes; traditional papermaking is still important today as formal handwritten documents are usually written on traditional paper), the use of reeds or brushes often became region-dependant; the reeds of the '' | The Chlouvānem script is almost entirely composed of curved lines as, initially, it was written on leaves with reeds (''ħålka'', pl. ''ħålkai'') or brushes (''lattah'', pl. ''lattai''). With the invention, in the late 5th millennium, of paper (traditional Chlouvānem paper or ''mirtah'' is handmade by fibres from various types of wooden bushes; traditional papermaking is still important today as formal handwritten documents are usually written on traditional paper), the use of reeds or brushes often became region-dependant; the reeds of the ''grāṇiva'' plant became the dominant writing tool in most of the plains, as this plant abundantly grows by the river shores; in the Jade Coast, brushes (whose "hair" are actually fibres of wetland plants such as the ''jalihā'') were preferred.<br/> | ||
Today, pens (''titeh'', pl. ''tityai'') are the main writing tool together with graphite pencils (''bauteh'', pl. ''bautyai''). Non-refillable dip pens were the first to be introduced - an Evandorian invention that was "seized" by the Chlouvānem during the early 7th millennium occupation of Kátra, a Nordûlaki colony on Ovítioná - and with the advent of industrial papermaking they became more and more popular; fountain pens were evolved from them first in Nivaren, and in 6291 (3785<sub>12</sub>) the first fountain pen manufacturer in the Inquisition opened. Ballpoint pens are, on Calémere, a much recent invention, and first appeared in the Inquisition about forty years ago. They are still not used as much as fountain pens when writing on normal paper.<br/> | Today, pens (''titeh'', pl. ''tityai'') are the main writing tool together with graphite pencils (''bauteh'', pl. ''bautyai''). Non-refillable dip pens were the first to be introduced - an Evandorian invention that was "seized" by the Chlouvānem during the early 7th millennium occupation of Kátra, a Nordûlaki colony on Ovítioná - and with the advent of industrial papermaking they became more and more popular; fountain pens were evolved from them first in Nivaren, and in 6291 (3785<sub>12</sub>) the first fountain pen manufacturer in the Inquisition opened. Ballpoint pens are, on Calémere, a much recent invention, and first appeared in the Inquisition about forty years ago. They are still not used as much as fountain pens when writing on normal paper.<br/> | ||
The traditional ''ħålkai'' and ''lattai'' have not disappeared, as both are still found and used - even if only with traditional handmade paper. Both are commonly used for calligraphy as well as in various other uses: for example, [[w:Banzuke|banzuke]] papers for tournaments of most traditional sports are carefully handwritten with reed pens, as are many announcements by local temples (written with either reed pens or brushes); a newer type of brush pen (much like Japanese [[w:Fudepen|fudepen]]s) has proven to be particularly popular even in everyday use (both with traditional and modern industrial paper) in the Jade Coast area - many Great Inquisitors from there, including incumbent Hæliyǣšavi Dhṛṣṭāvāyah ''Lairē'', have been seen writing official document with such kind of pens. | The traditional ''ħålkai'' and ''lattai'' have not disappeared, as both are still found and used - even if only with traditional handmade paper. Both are commonly used for calligraphy as well as in various other uses: for example, [[w:Banzuke|banzuke]] papers for tournaments of most traditional sports are carefully handwritten with reed pens, as are many announcements by local temples (written with either reed pens or brushes); a newer type of brush pen (much like Japanese [[w:Fudepen|fudepen]]s) has proven to be particularly popular even in everyday use (both with traditional and modern industrial paper) in the Jade Coast area - many Great Inquisitors from there, including incumbent Hæliyǣšavi Dhṛṣṭāvāyah ''Lairē'', have been seen writing official document with such kind of pens. | ||
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Non-Lahob roots are traditionally classified in the following way, depending on their geographical origin: | Non-Lahob roots are traditionally classified in the following way, depending on their geographical origin: | ||
* Words from pre-Inquisitorial indigenous languages of the Plain and of the Jade Coast (''dhoyi olelų maivai''), most of them sparsely attested such as Ancient Yodhvāsi, Tamukāyi, Laiputaši, Old Kāṃradeši, and Aṣasṝkhami. possibly forming the majority of roots. Early Chlouvānem, soon after the Ur-Chlouvānem settled in the lower Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, was enriched by a very large number of roots taken from local languages. Such words are found in all semantic fields, and are particularly numerous in words for the family, plants, animals, and the earliest artifacts and practices of settled civilization. | * Words from pre-Inquisitorial indigenous languages of the Plain and of the Jade Coast (''dhoyi olelų maivai''), most of them sparsely attested such as Ancient Yodhvāsi, Tamukāyi, Laiputaši, Old Kāṃradeši, and Aṣasṝkhami. possibly forming the majority of roots. Early Chlouvānem, soon after the Ur-Chlouvānem settled in the lower Nīmbaṇḍhāra plain, was enriched by a very large number of roots taken from local languages. Such words are found in all semantic fields, and are particularly numerous in words for the family, plants, animals, and the earliest artifacts and practices of settled civilization. | ||
* Lällshag words (''lælšñenīs maivai'') – divided in two large groups, that is, words that were borrowed from Lällshag in ancient times, pertaining to many semantic fields but mostly early technology (the Lällshag people were the first urban civilization in that area of the world); and a second group of modern scientific vocabulary that has been being coined since the start of the modern era from Lällshag roots. | * Lällshag words (''lælšñenīs maivai'') – divided in two large groups, that is, words that were borrowed from Lällshag in ancient times, pertaining to many semantic fields but mostly early technology (the Lällshag people were the first urban civilization in that area of the world) or used as more formal, higher-styled alternatives to Lahob or pre-Chlouvānem words; and a second group of modern scientific vocabulary that has been being coined since the start of the modern era from Lällshag roots; these often show more semantical drift, as they are often borrowed in more abstract or specific senses. | ||
* Southern, Far Eastern, Toyubeshian, and Dabuke words (''maichleyuñcų lallanaleiyuñcų no tayubešenīs no dabukyenīs no maivai'') – that is, words taken from the languages of the territories of the first millennium of expansion of the Chlouvānem world. They mostly relate to natural and cultural features of those territories, with Toyubeshian words being particularly important because they form most of the Chlouvānem words relating to a temperate climate area; whatever proto-Lahob roots that had survived the Ur-Chlouvānem migrations were mostly readapted to the tropical climate they had settled in; as a striking example, the Chlouvānem terms for the four main temperate seasons are all Toyubeshian borrowings. | * Southern, Far Eastern, Toyubeshian, and Dabuke words (''maichleyuñcų lallanaleiyuñcų no tayubešenīs no dabukyenīs no maivai'') – that is, words taken from the languages of the territories of the first millennium of expansion of the Chlouvānem world. They mostly relate to natural and cultural features of those territories, with Toyubeshian words being particularly important because they form most of the Chlouvānem words relating to a temperate climate area; whatever proto-Lahob roots that had survived the Ur-Chlouvānem migrations were mostly readapted to the tropical climate they had settled in; as a striking example, the Chlouvānem terms for the four main temperate seasons are all Toyubeshian borrowings. | ||
* Skyrdegan words ('' | * Skyrdegan words (''ṣurṭāgyenīs maivai'') – the Skyrdegan civilization was the first one too large and strong to be fully Chlouvānemized, and the languages of the Chlouvānem and Skyrdegan people have, for the last eight hundred years, exchanged words for their habitats (tropical to equatorial for the Chlouvānem; temperate to subpolar for the Skyrdegan) and all new discoveries in their cultural spheres; this keeps happening today, with the Skyrdegan countries being politically more open than the Inquisition and many Western cultural concepts reaching the Inquisition only through Skyrdegan mediation. The few words of Bronic and Qualdomelic origin are usually added to this group, despite the very different history (Brono and Qualdomailor were historically minor, less influential countries, whose present identity has been thoroughly influenced by the Chlouvānem spreading the Yunyalīlti faith among them).<br/>Words from Old Hålvarami are sometimes counted in this group, despite Old Hålvarami being a Fargulyn language related to Skyrdagor but from a different branch; the reason is that Old Hålvarami initially mediated the contact between the Chlouvānem and the Skyrdegan worlds, resulting in borrowings such as most notably ''ṣurṭāgah'' "Skyrdagor" (borrowed from Skyrdagor into Pre-Old Hålvarami and then into Chlouvānem) and ''pāṣratis'' (Calémerian cannabis plant). | ||
* "Discovery-era" words (''tatalunyavyāṣi maivai'') – words from the age of overseas discoveries<ref>It is not proper to speak of "colonization age" for the Chlouvānem; unlike the Western world, Chlouvānem countries (and mostly the Lūlunimarti Republic) had a very small overseas colonial presence, and mostly concentrated in some areas of western Ovítioná. In other continents (and mostly eastern Védren, Fárásen, and Queáten only), Chlouvānem presence was basically limited to a few coastal trade stations.</ref>, that is, related to flora, fauna, and cultures of continents new to the Chlouvānem; many of them have become in common use due to crops being now cultivated on the Inquisition's territory. | * "Discovery-era" words (''tatalunyavyāṣi maivai'') – words from the age of overseas discoveries<ref>It is not proper to speak of "colonization age" for the Chlouvānem; unlike the Western world, Chlouvānem countries (and mostly the Lūlunimarti Republic) had a very small overseas colonial presence, and mostly concentrated in some areas of western Ovítioná. In other continents (and mostly eastern Védren, Fárásen, and Queáten only), Chlouvānem presence was basically limited to a few coastal trade stations.</ref>, that is, related to flora, fauna, and cultures of continents new to the Chlouvānem; many of them have become in common use due to crops being now cultivated on the Inquisition's territory. | ||
** Western words ('' | ** Western words (''yacvāni maivai'') – a subset of Discovery-era words, including those that have their origins in the more technologically advanced civilizations of Evandor, the Spocian cultural sphere of northern Védren, and the Nâdja- and Kenengyry-speaking world. This is overall a small group, but includes many modern international words. A particularly notable category is the one of borrowings from Kenengyry languages, especially [[Soenjoan]] and [[Kuyugwazian]], first entering urban slang (as Kaiṣamā-era settlement of Kenengyry people in the Inquisition often made them a notable urban minority in most large cities of the Inquisition), then spreading to the standard language with words such as ''najūba'' "(romantic) date", ''tuyiba'' "hoodie", or ''calghyula'' "circle of friends".<br/>As for words actually originating in the West (Evandor and Evandorian colonies), a large number of them, particularly for the earliest ones, come from [[Auralian]], as Auralia was the first Western nation the Chlouvānem had fairly regular contacts with<ref>Such terms include food, such as ''ṣryūvas'' "pomegranate" (Aur. ''sryuf''), ''braṇyājas'' "sweet bite-sized pastries" (Aur. ''brenayyaz''), or ''taħivkam'' "cold cuts" (most commonly head cheese) (Aur. ''taḥifket'' "ham", originally borrowed as the plurale tantum ''taħivkāt'', from which the singular form was developed by analogy); Western elements such as ''arṭīlas'' (Asèl, the Aselist deity; Aur. ''Arṣil''); and miscellaneous stuff such as ''jabræktas'' "cigarette" (Aur. ''zbrekt'' "tobacco") or ''lyoca'' "(recreational) drug" (from earlier ''berlyotsas'', from (today obsolete) Aur. ''brilyuts'', originally "alcohol", particularly the one drunk by sailors).</ref>. Nordûlaki and, especially, Cerian borrowings are much more recent, though the prevalence of Cerian as modern Calémere's main lingua franca, only rivalled by Chlouvānem itself, has led many toponyms in Chlouvānem to be adaptations of the Cerian names. | ||
===Honorific speech=== | ===Honorific speech=== | ||
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|- | |- | ||
! ear | ! ear | ||
| | | baɂim || colspan=2 | minnūlya | ||
|- | |- | ||
! eye | ! eye | ||
| | | ṭaɂika || mešīs<br/>nāhim <small>''(medical)''</small> || mešīs | ||
|- | |- | ||
! father | ! father | ||
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|- | |- | ||
! hand | ! hand | ||
| | | tassa || colspan=2 | dhāna | ||
|- | |- | ||
! husband | ! husband | ||
| Line 404: | Line 388: | ||
|- | |- | ||
! to take | ! to take | ||
| paibge<ref>In contemporary Chlouvānem, ''paibge'' is extremely formal and virtually limited to set phrases.</ref><br/><small>(''paibē, paibek, apaiba'')</small><br/>milke || milke<br/><small>(''milūk | | paibge<ref>In contemporary Chlouvānem, ''paibge'' is extremely formal and virtually limited to set phrases.</ref><br/><small>(''paibē, paibek, apaiba'')</small><br/>milke || milke<br/><small>(''milkē (milūkāhai), milūk, ilaka'')</small> || nacce<br/><small>(''nacē, nacek, anaca'')</small> | ||
|- | |- | ||
! wife | ! wife | ||
| laleichim || colspan=2 | | | laleichim || colspan=2 | ħaiɂlañši | ||
|} | |} | ||
Not considered part of honorific speech, but related to it, are the many synonyms, especially of Lällshag origin. While sometimes Lällshag words were borrowed in a more abstract quality (e.g. like how ''jinobå'' meant "right, correct" in Lällshag but was borrowed as ''inuba'', meaning "justice"), or generalized to very specific contexts (''jepomaa'' "apprentice" as ''emmā'' (arch. ''yemmā'') "person (humble)") it is very common for a single concept to have many synonyms, many of them not that used in common speech but proper in literature - English has a good parallel in its Latinate words, and therefore the more refined Chlouvānem words are often better translated as Latinate words. For example, ''taili'' "much, many" is the common word, but its Lällshag translation ''jåloca'' was borrowed as ''yolṣa'' "copious"<ref>The Chlouvānem borrowed words mentioned here are nouns, not adverbs: e.g. the native adverb in ''taili māra'' "many mangoes" vs. the borrowed nouns in ''māri yolṣa'' "a copious amount of mangoes", ''māri mumūyakim'' "abundant mangoes", etc.</ref>; ''mo-moujakig'' "batches, loads" as ''mumūyakim'' "abundant, abundance", or ''må-råho'' "barrels" as ''mårga'' "multiple". Similar doublets exist for many concept, often with more than two words due to more regional variants, sometimes from the pre-Chlouvānem languages of the lower Plain; an example may be native ''ñaryāh'' "mountain, hill" and the borrowings ''šullas'' "hill" (from Lällshag), ''gårvas'' "hill (esp. steep); mountain" (also from Lällshag), ''ħilša'' "hill" (prob. Old Kāṃradeši), as well as more strictly regional words such as ''bonduka'' (of Dabuke origin) or ''šiša'' (Toyubeshian). | Not considered part of honorific speech, but related to it, are the many synonyms, especially of Lällshag origin. While sometimes Lällshag words were borrowed in a more abstract quality (e.g. like how ''jinobå'' meant "right, correct" in Lällshag but was borrowed as ''inuba'', meaning "justice"), or generalized to very specific contexts (''jepomaa'' "apprentice" as ''emmā'' (arch. ''yemmā'') "person (humble)") it is very common for a single concept to have many synonyms, many of them not that used in common speech but proper in literature - English has a good parallel in its Latinate words, and therefore the more refined Chlouvānem words are often better translated as Latinate words. For example, ''taili'' "much, many" is the common word, but its Lällshag translation ''jåloca'' was borrowed as ''yolṣa'' "copious"<ref>The Chlouvānem borrowed words mentioned here are nouns, not adverbs: e.g. the native adverb in ''taili māra'' "many mangoes" vs. the borrowed nouns in ''māri yolṣa'' "a copious amount of mangoes", ''māri mumūyakim'' "abundant mangoes", etc.</ref>; ''mo-moujakig'' "batches, loads" as ''mumūyakim'' "abundant, abundance", or ''må-råho'' "barrels" as ''mårga'' "multiple". Similar doublets exist for many concept, often with more than two words due to more regional variants, sometimes from the pre-Chlouvānem languages of the lower Plain; an example may be native ''ñaryāh'' "mountain, hill" and the borrowings ''šullas'' "hill" (from Lällshag), ''gårvas'' "hill (esp. steep); mountain" (also from Lällshag), ''ħilša'' "hill" (prob. Old Kāṃradeši), as well as more strictly regional words such as ''bonduka'' (of Dabuke origin) or ''šiša'' (Toyubeshian).<br/>Note that, in many cases and especially for Lällshag borrowings, the average Chlouvānem speaker, for whom the classical language already is a formal language different from the informal vernacular, is not aware of the etymological history of such words, and thinks of such refined words not as "Lällshag words", but as more stylistically marked ones. | ||
==="Thinking" in Chlouvānem=== | ==="Thinking" in Chlouvānem=== | ||
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: ''nilyantairu ū''. — I think, therefore I am. | : ''nilyantairu ū''. — I think, therefore I am. | ||
When "to think" is used in order to state one's opinion, Chlouvānem makes the distinction of that thing being a personal opinion based on experience or trustable facts (where the verb is '' | When "to think" is used in order to state one's opinion, Chlouvānem makes the distinction of that thing being a personal opinion based on experience or trustable facts (where the verb is ''ṭvurake'') or an uncertain opinion, often because of mere sensation (still ''nilyake'') (much like the Danish distinction between ''at synes'' and ''at tro''). Both verbs require the quotative particle '''tati''': | ||
: ''dumoe hulābdān tati | : ''dumoe hulābdān tati ṭvirute''. — I think the movie is good. (for I have seen it) | ||
: ''dumoe hulābdān tati nelyęru''. — I think the movie is good. (but I haven't seen it) | : ''dumoe hulābdān tati nelyęru''. — I think the movie is good. (but I haven't seen it) | ||
'' | ''ṭvurake'' is used also to state one's opinion about a situation (still requiring ''tati'') as well as in the construction ''(2SG) nali ṭvirute'', better translated as "if I were you" (needs a subjunctive verb): | ||
: ''gundam hulābdān tati | : ''gundam hulābdān tati ṭvirute''. — I think it's a good idea. | ||
: ''viṣam lgutī nani nali | : ''viṣam lgutī nani nali ṭvirute''. — if I were you, I'd buy the other one. (note imperfective subjunctive) | ||
: ''viṣam lgutēt nani nali | : ''viṣam lgutēt nani nali ṭvirute''. — if I were you, I'd have bought the other one. (perfective subjunctive here) | ||
''nilyake'', on the other hand, is used in the past to state something that was thought to be one way but turned out not to be. Also, it is used for future forecasts: | ''nilyake'', on the other hand, is used in the past to state something that was thought to be one way but turned out not to be. Also, it is used for future forecasts: | ||
: ''nęlte yartāṃrye tati nilyirau, lalla hånna ni nāṭ | : ''nęlte yartāṃrye tati nilyirau, lalla hånna ni nāṭ nīk''. — I thought it was 4:00 in the morning, but it was already ''lalla hånna'' (7:00 in the morning). | ||
: ''camiyūs | : ''camiyūs vei tati inilyiram e !'' — I thought you were from Cami! (the perfect here could also be translated as "until now, I had been thinking ...") | ||
: ''menire dašajildiṣya tati nelyęru''. — I think it's going to rain tomorrow. | : ''menire dašajildiṣya tati nelyęru''. — I think it's going to rain tomorrow. | ||
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The First Book of the Chlamiṣvatrā (''yamei chlamiṣvatrī lahīla naviṣya'') is the first of the three Books of the Great Prophet, the most important among the holy books of the [[Verse:Yunyalīlta|Yunyalīlta]]. The first seven verses are probably the key to understand the whole faith, as it presents the foundations of its worldview; verses 4 and 5 are particularly considered important as they represent the relation between the Yunya, life, and the Lillamurḍhyā. Verse 8 introduces what is then explained in the rest of the chapter, that is, how Lelāgṇyāviti<ref>Literally "born of Lelāh"; the ''lelāh'' is a symbolic flower in the Yunyalīlta and generically in Chlouvānem culture.</ref>, the Chlamiṣvatrā (Great Prophet; literally "Golden master") came to meditate and build up her philosophy, which then she taught common people in all villages. | The First Book of the Chlamiṣvatrā (''yamei chlamiṣvatrī lahīla naviṣya'') is the first of the three Books of the Great Prophet, the most important among the holy books of the [[Verse:Yunyalīlta|Yunyalīlta]]. The first seven verses are probably the key to understand the whole faith, as it presents the foundations of its worldview; verses 4 and 5 are particularly considered important as they represent the relation between the Yunya, life, and the Lillamurḍhyā. Verse 8 introduces what is then explained in the rest of the chapter, that is, how Lelāgṇyāviti<ref>Literally "born of Lelāh"; the ''lelāh'' is a symbolic flower in the Yunyalīlta and generically in Chlouvānem culture.</ref>, the Chlamiṣvatrā (Great Prophet; literally "Golden master") came to meditate and build up her philosophy, which then she taught common people in all villages. | ||
: '''1''' ⸫liloe mæn ⸫yunya ga brausire meinā dęi devenom mædhramu męlyēkæ linoe ।। '''2''' ⸫liloe pospurṣūyē saṃ gu<ref>Contraction of ''sama gu''. Note also the lack of ''ša'', the second part of the negative circumfix, which was still optional in early Chlouvānem.</ref> jejiltsūyētuh<ref>''-tuh'' is an earlier form of ''-tū'', the antibenefactive trigger marker. Its form ''-tur'', still used when not final, shows how ''-tuh'' was the regular development (Proto-Lahob *r > Chl. '''h''' word-finally).</ref> ⸫yunya ga meinā nali samindevenyumi lalla laurāyana mæn '''3''' drālteninīka<ref>Literally "with respects". In early and also classical Chlouvānem, such constructions are commonly used to express roughly the idea expressed by "-fully" adverbs in English.</ref> maiyau ñæltānu lātamilkīnam main yanyåh lilenom maiyau meinū āntaḍhūlīnam no ।। '''4''' ⸫yunya mæn meiyā lilenī hīmbenīka nīteboñjñāhai '''5''' sama brausameinælilūrah įstimē lillamurḍhyā ga demeni lilentugap lilah ।। '''6''' ⸫yunya mū lilaidhvap natehamvyek sama lilūrah demyā meinæhamvyenu tattemęlyē mū tami pa ḍhāvildente no ।। '''7''' ⸫dralkye<ref>"Men"; in archaic Chlouvānem, it was customary to use "man" for "human". The influx of the Yunyalīlta was actually a large factor in the later use of ''lila'' (person) for the same meaning.</ref> mæn āndre meinī yaivų bausų | : '''1''' ⸫liloe mæn ⸫yunya ga brausire meinā dęi devenom mædhramu męlyēkæ linoe ।। '''2''' ⸫liloe pospurṣūyē saṃ gu<ref>Contraction of ''sama gu''. Note also the lack of ''ša'', the second part of the negative circumfix, which was still optional in early Chlouvānem.</ref> jejiltsūyētuh<ref>''-tuh'' is an earlier form of ''-tū'', the antibenefactive trigger marker. Its form ''-tur'', still used when not final, shows how ''-tuh'' was the regular development (Proto-Lahob *r > Chl. '''h''' word-finally).</ref> ⸫yunya ga meinā nali samindevenyumi lalla laurāyana mæn '''3''' drālteninīka<ref>Literally "with respects". In early and also classical Chlouvānem, such constructions are commonly used to express roughly the idea expressed by "-fully" adverbs in English.</ref> maiyau ñæltānu lātamilkīnam main yanyåh lilenom maiyau meinū āntaḍhūlīnam no ।। '''4''' ⸫yunya mæn meiyā lilenī hīmbenīka nīteboñjñāhai '''5''' sama brausameinælilūrah įstimē lillamurḍhyā ga demeni lilentugap lilah ।। '''6''' ⸫yunya mū lilaidhvap natehamvyek sama lilūrah demyā meinæhamvyenu tattemęlyē mū tami pa ḍhāvildente no ।। '''7''' ⸫dralkye<ref>"Men"; in archaic Chlouvānem, it was customary to use "man" for "human". The influx of the Yunyalīlta was actually a large factor in the later use of ''lila'' (person) for the same meaning.</ref> mæn āndre meinī yaivų bausų širē ħaṣṭirena sama dǣ dǣ no<ref>"Again and again". In modern Chlouvānem it has become a single word, ''dīdān''.</ref> līlti bīḍhovah : garpire grošpire virdu nītemilkāhai no ।। '''8''' ⸫dralkagarpā mæn lelyē širē kailirāhe āñjulyom lilyā larḍhīka bīdumbhek ।। | ||
'''1''' life.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>TOPIC</small>. Yunya.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>ADP</small>. be_holy-<small>IND.PRES.3S.INTR</small>. mother-<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>REFL.ERG</small>. soul-<small>DAT.SG</small>. body-<small>ACC.SG</small> give-<small>IND.PRES.3S.EXTR-BENEF</small>. process.<small>DIR.SG</small>.<br/> | '''1''' life.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>TOPIC</small>. Yunya.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>ADP</small>. be_holy-<small>IND.PRES.3S.INTR</small>. mother-<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>REFL.ERG</small>. soul-<small>DAT.SG</small>. body-<small>ACC.SG</small> give-<small>IND.PRES.3S.EXTR-BENEF</small>. process.<small>DIR.SG</small>.<br/> | ||
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===A festive day=== | ===A festive day=== | ||
This is an excerpt from the ''lelyēmiti ḍhūrṣūs'' (Family Chronicle) (written in 3835 (6377<sub>10</sub>)), a world-famous narrative opera of contemporary writer Naryejūramāvi Lanæmyai ''Mæmihomah''. The author recalls here a festive moment from when she was in her 12th year, namely a celebration of the ''junyahiyunyi jaṃšā'' (the Festival of Blossoming Nature) of year 3802 (6338<sub>10</sub>) in her native village of | This is an excerpt from the ''lelyēmiti ḍhūrṣūs'' (Family Chronicle) (written in 3835 (6377<sub>10</sub>)), a world-famous narrative opera of contemporary writer Naryejūramāvi Lanæmyai ''Mæmihomah''. The author recalls here a festive moment from when she was in her 12th year, namely a celebration of the ''junyahiyunyi jaṃšā'' (the Festival of Blossoming Nature) of year 3802 (6338<sub>10</sub>) in her native village of Aṃrāvāyana (today part of the eparchy of Līlasuṃghāṇa, some 14 km from the city center). | ||
: dani yartāṃrye nīk ~naina ga kalineh mæn ~nilāmulkęs tainęs no lįs no podbhērā dvarmom nañamṛca kautepudbhek. lånyāk yunya junyāmite e tati namarcē nainei pigdulek. | : dani yartāṃrye nīk ~naina ga kalineh mæn ~nilāmulkęs tainęs no lįs no podbhērā dvarmom nañamṛca kautepudbhek. lånyāk yunya junyāmite e tati namarcē nainei pigdulek. | ||
: nanān | : nanān lairēn asenāya lut ñumirābhe – nanān heirlaukan gu emibe jāyim marciṭ chi gu nomire ša! halkenīs yanomuhima daše šutimīnam keikom kaumṛcābhe. daša mæn junyahiyunyi jaṃšē gātarake berdē e. bunā mæn maildvārmu maikevemęlyima nāṭ, væse, pābunā ~daṃdhigūlan ga glūkam no lahīla kalirāhe nānyaih khārgaltyų kautemilūgba kælitsaih māraih no vārīkaih no baubaih no guṃsabate no. | ||
: nilāmulka mæn maildvārmom nañelīsa tainā lili no ṣveye primirtaram ñumirlam. | : nilāmulka mæn maildvārmom nañelīsa tainā lili no ṣveye primirtaram ñumirlam. lairē lǣliriṣya tati lenak tṛlirlam, naina mæn mojende heirom tī sora lairēnīs guviṣmiya nañelīsa, samātiya jånirāh kamikyai lahīla jaloe nīk. jånirāh blikēva lenta lę māmei lairęs lut tatekīlla. meinā buneyāt lili no nali jilkire bhadvat usmura dhānęs keikom nañelīsa - įsanā lairyom yūñjā jånirai. | ||
: tainā mæn jñūṃris halimendē bahīrų sumenīs heicādrī nadāmē, | : tainā mæn jñūṃris halimendē bahīrų sumenīs heicādrī nadāmē, samisīsiṭ urutha nānumi hanaṃharyana lairū smaurildekte. nilāmulka mæn yanelīsa jånirū kamitekyāk tainā væse heicāp nusmīte vadį mutirī dāmek no, sama bahīrah gu mimendenāk ša tatte naina nañajolta nilāmulku lū no tan lijake natedāmildek. nilāmulka mæn meinā murku milūkte sama dhāne danihaicē tarṣanu junyekte daṃdhigūlan væse murkirba vārṇaigīṣa kamitejunāyēt tadāmek. | ||
: naina mæn tamvæse jaṃšom ejyek chi, dildhā geta no pa liju tī lilyåh minnūlyom chi natelijek, sama meinā lę gu emibunaise naini lenta dāšikē mūmikati bīsturmųk, jaṃšom ñæñuchlire jilkire jånirē kamyakyā nilāmulka ni | : naina mæn tamvæse jaṃšom ejyek chi, dildhā geta no pa liju tī lilyåh minnūlyom chi natelijek, sama meinā lę gu emibunaise naini lenta dāšikē mūmikati bīsturmųk, jaṃšom ñæñuchlire jilkire jånirē kamyakyā nilāmulka ni dilsiṭ dṛkte. tainā yanelīsa lairyom nacu ilakakte, mutirau væse, nainęs lā ħuldekte. ħærviṣe ājvalunāyom dāmaram ñikire naina væse meinei bhik. | ||
{| role="presentation" class="wikitable mw-collapsible mw-collapsed" | {| role="presentation" class="wikitable mw-collapsible mw-collapsed" | ||
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|} | |} | ||
: It was two in the morning<ref>One hour after dawn.</ref> and [my] younger sister Naina came running into our room where Nilāmulka, Tainā<ref>The author's two older sisters.</ref>, and I were sleeping and woke us up. "'' | : It was two in the morning<ref>One hour after dawn.</ref> and [my] younger sister Naina came running into our room where Nilāmulka, Tainā<ref>The author's two older sisters.</ref>, and I were sleeping and woke us up. "''Lanyāk''<ref>A (today old-fashioned) term for "girls", used here just like modern ''blikai'', as a very informal second-person pronoun among sisters.</ref>, nature is blooming!", shouted Naina entering the room.<br/> | ||
: We had been waiting for that day for months — there is not a single girl who does not wait so eagerly for that time of the year! We got up our beds and ran in the yard, under the rain. Even the rains feel different on ''juniahiyunyi jaṃšā''. Dad had already prepared the washing room<ref>Chlouvānem people usually take a wash in the morning and a wash followed by a bath in the evening. Those rituals are quite similar to Japanese washing and bathing - the bath is for relaxation, washing is a separate process.</ref> for us while grandpa and brother Daṃdhigūlan were taking the first lilac ''nāniai''<ref>The ''nāneh'' is the typical Chlouvānem flatbread: lilac means it contains ''hunai'' (purple yam) meal.</ref> out of the tandoori oven and cutting ''kælitsai'', ''mārai'', ''vārīkai'', and ''baubai''<ref>Various types of fruits; note that they're all light orange or golden yellow - the most sacred colour in Yunyalīlti symbology.</ref>.<br/> | : We had been waiting for that day for months — there is not a single girl who does not wait so eagerly for that time of the year! We got up our beds and ran in the yard, under the rain. Even the rains feel different on ''juniahiyunyi jaṃšā''. Dad had already prepared the washing room<ref>Chlouvānem people usually take a wash in the morning and a wash followed by a bath in the evening. Those rituals are quite similar to Japanese washing and bathing - the bath is for relaxation, washing is a separate process.</ref> for us while grandpa and brother Daṃdhigūlan were taking the first lilac ''nāniai''<ref>The ''nāneh'' is the typical Chlouvānem flatbread: lilac means it contains ''hunai'' (purple yam) meal.</ref> out of the tandoori oven and cutting ''kælitsai'', ''mārai'', ''vārīkai'', and ''baubai''<ref>Various types of fruits; note that they're all light orange or golden yellow - the most sacred colour in Yunyalīlti symbology.</ref>.<br/> | ||
: Nilāmulka had gone<ref>Traditionally, washing order is generational, with the oldest woman in the house going first, then her husband, and so on. A Chlouvānem person would not need to be explained that Nilāmulka went first as the oldest of the sisters, and the author, Mæmihomah, is third in line as the third-born out of four sisters. Her brother Daṃdhigūlan, despite being older than all sisters but Nilāmulka, washes last because brothers wash after all female siblings — and anyway, during ''juniahiyunyi jaṃšā'', all women wash before all men.</ref> into the washing room and Tainā and me were waiting behind the wall<ref>As typical of hot-climate southern Chlouvānem rural houses, washing rooms are actually little more than three walls and a wooden cover outside the house, and have no actual doors; the entrance is towards a windowless wall of the house, so that privacy is assured anyway.</ref>. We both know this was going to be a special day: Naina had entered her 9th year a few days before and it was time for her to wear her first ''jånirāh''<ref>The Chlouvānem sarī.</ref>, which the girls and I<ref>Mæmihomah and her two older sisters.</ref> had spent the last twelve days preparing. Mum came into the yard with the hands full of orange cotton for the ''buneyon''<ref>Dual of ''buneya'' (older sister).</ref> and I - our own ''jånirai'' for the day.<br/> | : Nilāmulka had gone<ref>Traditionally, washing order is generational, with the oldest woman in the house going first, then her husband, and so on. A Chlouvānem person would not need to be explained that Nilāmulka went first as the oldest of the sisters, and the author, Mæmihomah, is third in line as the third-born out of four sisters. Her brother Daṃdhigūlan, despite being older than all sisters but Nilāmulka, washes last because brothers wash after all female siblings — and anyway, during ''juniahiyunyi jaṃšā'', all women wash before all men.</ref> into the washing room and Tainā and me were waiting behind the wall<ref>As typical of hot-climate southern Chlouvānem rural houses, washing rooms are actually little more than three walls and a wooden cover outside the house, and have no actual doors; the entrance is towards a windowless wall of the house, so that privacy is assured anyway.</ref>. We both know this was going to be a special day: Naina had entered her 9th year a few days before and it was time for her to wear her first ''jånirāh''<ref>The Chlouvānem sarī.</ref>, which the girls and I<ref>Mæmihomah and her two older sisters.</ref> had spent the last twelve days preparing. Mum came into the yard with the hands full of orange cotton for the ''buneyon''<ref>Dual of ''buneya'' (older sister).</ref> and I - our own ''jånirai'' for the day.<br/> | ||
: Tainā started singing rhythmically<ref>''Heicā'': a style of rhythmic wordless chant, used in religious chanting, Chlouvānem classical music, and even popular songs.</ref> along the notes of a ''bahīrah'' we heard through the trees, and an anise perfume of freshly baked ''nānyai'' filled the air. Nilāmulka came out and put on her ''jånirāh'' as Tainā went to wash without stopping her ''heicā'', and even if the ''bahīrah'' couldn't be heard anymore Naina hummed into and got Nilāmulka and I singing too. Mum took the black<ref>''Lunīla'' berry juice - a kind of henna.</ref> and drew Nilāmulka two stripes per hand, as Daṃdhigūlan came to tie her the black ''vārṇaigīye''<ref>The ''vārṇaigi'' are a kind of sandals tied to the lower part of the leg. Common ''vārṇaigi'' are made of straw and are undyed, but those worn by women during the days of ''juniahiyunyi jaṃšā'' are of black-dyed linen.</ref>. | : Tainā started singing rhythmically<ref>''Heicā'': a style of rhythmic wordless chant, used in religious chanting, Chlouvānem classical music, and even popular songs.</ref> along the notes of a ''bahīrah'' we heard through the trees, and an anise perfume of freshly baked ''nānyai'' filled the air. Nilāmulka came out and put on her ''jånirāh'' as Tainā went to wash without stopping her ''heicā'', and even if the ''bahīrah'' couldn't be heard anymore Naina hummed into and got Nilāmulka and I singing too. Mum took the black<ref>''Lunīla'' berry juice - a kind of henna.</ref> and drew Nilāmulka two stripes per hand, as Daṃdhigūlan came to tie her the black ''vārṇaigīye''<ref>The ''vārṇaigi'' are a kind of sandals tied to the lower part of the leg. Common ''vārṇaigi'' are made of straw and are undyed, but those worn by women during the days of ''juniahiyunyi jaṃšā'' are of black-dyed linen.</ref>. | ||
: Naina, meanwhile, was fully in the mood for celebration, as she started to sing the song of the dildhā and the elephant<ref>Probably ''ɧømidz diljå'' [ˈxʷœːmidz dĩˤˈʑɔː] ("little dildhā" in Nanašīrami), a once popular folk tune in the area of Līlasuṃghāṇa.</ref> right into my ears - to the disappointment of mom, not only did I jump with her dancing in the monsoon, but Nilāmulka did the same in her festive, beautiful orange ''jånirāh''. Tainā came out, got dressed for the day<ref>Literally "took her daily cloth".</ref> and played with Naina while I washed - then we went for breakfast while mom took care of little Naina. | : Naina, meanwhile, was fully in the mood for celebration, as she started to sing the song of the dildhā and the elephant<ref>Probably ''ɧømidz diljå'' [ˈxʷœːmidz dĩˤˈʑɔː] ("little dildhā" in Nanašīrami), a once popular folk tune in the area of Līlasuṃghāṇa.</ref> right into my ears - to the disappointment of mom, not only did I jump with her dancing in the monsoon, but Nilāmulka did the same in her festive, beautiful orange ''jånirāh''. Tainā came out, got dressed for the day<ref>Literally "took her daily cloth".</ref> and played with Naina while I washed - then we went for breakfast while mom took care of little Naina. | ||
==="To have more, we must produce more"=== | |||
: širē cārīnaṃte, širē hegivsūyē. | |||
: širē givī, širē tartṛlyirata. | |||
more. have.<small>SUBJ.IMPF-EXP-1PL.EXTERIOR-AGENT</small>. more. produce-<small>NECESS.IND.PRES-EXP-3SG.PATIENT.EXTERIOR</small>.<br/> | |||
more. produce.<small>SUBJ.IMPF-EXP-3.PATIENT.EXTERIOR</small>. more. know-<small>NECESS.IND.PRES-EXP-INTERIOR-1PL.COMMON</small>. | |||
: To have more, we must produce more. | |||
: To produce more, we must know more. | |||
===Featured banner=== | ===Featured banner=== | ||
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this. language.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>ADV</small>-one. put_in_front-<small>IND.PAST.3S.EXTR.PAT</small>.<br/> | this. language.<small>DIR.SG</small>. <small>ADV</small>-one. put_in_front-<small>IND.PAST.3S.EXTR.PAT</small>.<br/> | ||
quality-level-<small>GEN.SG</small>. plausibility-<small>GEN.SG</small>. usage-possibility-<small>GEN.SG</small>. and. merit-<small>EXESS.SG</small>. featured-<small>ESS.SG</small>. vote-<small>IND.PERF.3SG.EXTR.PAT</small>. | quality-level-<small>GEN.SG</small>. plausibility-<small>GEN.SG</small>. usage-possibility-<small>GEN.SG</small>. and. merit-<small>EXESS.SG</small>. featured-<small>ESS.SG</small>. vote-<small>IND.PERF.3SG.EXTR.PAT</small>. | ||
==External history== | |||
''Chlouvānem'' is the language I – ''[[User:Lili21|lilie21]]'' – consider my main conlang, as it is my [[Verse:Calémere|Calémere]] conworld project's most developed and a spiritual successor of all conlangs I've created focussing the most on ever since I was a kid (well, to be fair the earliest ones were just natlang-mimicking relexes). Due to this, while mainly thought for my conworld, it is, more than any other conlang of mine, on the border between being an [[Artistic language|artlang]] or a heartlang. | |||
Chlouvānem is an a priori language, yet it takes inspiration from about a dozen natlangs in aesthetics, morphophonology, syntax, though mainly by taking a starting point and then developing those features as I want and as they fit together best. ''Sanskrit'', ''Lithuanian'', and ''Persian'' are the languages I was most inspired by, and there are to various extents other influences by ''Russian'', ''Adyghe'', ''Hindustani'', ''Japanese'', ''Proto-Indo-European'', ''Old Tupi'', ''Matses'', ''Tucano'', ''Nambikwara'', and ''Ancient Greek'', as well as its in-world use which is inspired by ''Arabic'' and ''Chinese languages''. Overall it might seem IE at a first glance, but it is radically different in a few points which make it strikingly different (like the combination of Austronesian alignment, topic-prominence, and strongly head-final syntax). | |||
The language itself used to be named ''chlouvānem'' in-world too, but then I changed historical phonology, removed the phoneme represented as ''ou'', so that it changed to ''chlǣvānem''. However, I had used the ''ou''-form for too long to change every reference to it in the English name too. | |||
'''Important note:''' Chlouvānem is, since late 2020 - early 2021, a completed conlang; a process of refinement and changes that I wanted to implement and started around that time eventually developed into [[Dundulanyä]], which I consider to be the spiritual successor of Chlouvānem, with lots of similarities (to the point that many words and many roots are exactly the same) but some different takes on certain features. | |||
==See also== | ==See also== | ||
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* [[Chlouvānem/Lexicon|Chlouvānem thematic wordlists]] | * [[Chlouvānem/Lexicon|Chlouvānem thematic wordlists]] | ||
* [[:Category:Chlouvānem words|Chlouvānem Contionary entries]] | * [[:Category:Chlouvānem words|Chlouvānem Contionary entries]] | ||
* [[Chlouvānem/Non-canon|Chlouvānem non-canon words]] | |||
* [[Literature:Ishtar_spoke_to_her_father/Chlouvānem|''"Ishtar spoke to her father"'' in Chlouvānem]] | * [[Literature:Ishtar_spoke_to_her_father/Chlouvānem|''"Ishtar spoke to her father"'' in Chlouvānem]] | ||