Chlouvānem/Lexicon: Difference between revisions

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** ''vīrādhmilkų meinā'' — adoptive mother

** ''vīrādhmilkų bunā'' — adoptive father

===Chlouvānem weddings===

Chlouvānem weddings (''talañšanai'', pl. tantum) are important moments of celebration for the involved families and mostly adhere to ancient traditions. Given the vast and pluricultural nature of the Chlouvānem Inquisition, nearly every area in it has a distinct tradition set, as do different ethnic groups. However, the traditions used in most of the Jade Coast and the eastern Plain are generally well-known all throughout the country and are also often used in the case of mixed-ethnic weddings. Some traditions of ancient times have been however cancelled by the society created through Yunyalīlti Communism from the Kaiṣamā period onwards.

The Yunyalīlta does not, in its purest form (the teachings of the Chlamiṣvatrā), mandate wedding traditions, though customs and Yunyalīlti rituals have entered the Books of the Inquisition so that there still is a religious basis. The traditional Yunyalīlti-supported view, unchallenged before the introduction of Yunyalīlti Communism and the official broadening of the recognized gender spectrum, is that the strictly monogamous marriage (''lañšēmita'') creates a social structure responsible of child rearing – a more archaic wording uses "responsible of reproduction" instead. It is to be noted that this view establishes social, but not sexual, monogamy, and that historically, and still today, in most of the Chlouvānem world, sexual fidelity is not an emphasized value as long as infidelity does not interfere with the education of children.

Traditionally, the man should propose to the woman, with her consent towards marriage started the organization of the ''maidombhanah'' (lit. "forward-bringing") ceremony, a series of two gatherings (first with the woman's family, then, if the family gave their consent, with the man's one) where the couple announced their intentions to marry. When both families gave consent, the woman's family had to pay a symbolic sum called ''lañšilgotoe'' (lit. "braid-buying") to the man's family, as a sort of compensation for privating the family of a worker, according to the ancient gender roles. While the ''lañšilgotoe'' is not paid anymore since the Kaiṣamā era, and it is no longer mandatory (but is still predominant) that the man proposes first, the ''maidombhanah'' tradition is still present and has spread to most cultures and ethnicities of the Inquisition. It is also still required for the families, after this ceremony, to check their lineages to assure there is no relationship between the couple, as Chlouvānem laws do not allow relatives closer than fifth cousins to marry. Another upheld tradition of ancient times is that usually it is the groom that, after the wedding, goes to live with the bride's family as long as the bride is the youngest daughter; while apartments are allocated by the State to newly-wed families, the State generally considers the youngest daughter and her husband as composing a single nucleus together with her parents<ref>As well as younger siblings which are still minors or have not completed secondary education.</ref> when allocating apartments, unless she personally asks for different housing.

In ancient times, it was common (at least outside of small villages) that ''maidombhanah'' was the first time the bride and groom met each other's families, and that as the successful result of both ''maidombhanai'' it was the first time that the bride and groom's families met. Nowadays, as bride and groom typically know each other and live together for some time before agreeing to marry and starting the ''maidombhanah'' period, this is often no longer the case, but can still happen when for example one or both families live in different cities.<br/>

The next step towards the wedding is then a ceremony called ''taktullunai'' (lit. "announcement tea"), a symbolic afternoon offering of tea to guests by the bride and groom, which acts as the first time that people outside the families or both partners' ''kaleyai'' (spiritual friends) know about the couple's marriage intentions. At ''taktullunai'', the bride and groom announce the wedding date.

The next important ceremonies happen exactly six and three days before the wedding. Six days before it is the time of ''ħaiɂlañšidaranah'' (lit. "wife-making"), when the groom's family (but not the groom himself) brings to the bride's house and family the dress she will wear during the wedding ceremony and the ceremonial dyes she will be painted with. Three days before the wedding, the reverse ceremony, ''šulañšendaranah'' ("husband-making"), happens, this time with the dress and dyes being brought to the groom's house and family by the bride's family (but not the bride herself). Despite in modern times the couple already lives together by this point, this tradition is still followed in its entirety; in many cases, it is common for the bride and groom to live with their respective families during the lunar phase preceding the ceremony, while in other cases they simply don't show up at those ceremonies. However, it is still considered a taboo for the bride and groom to reveal each other their dresses and dyes before the ceremony, as well as to tell the other about ''ħaiɂlañšidaranah'' or ''šulañšendaranah''.

The official start of the wedding ceremony is in the afternoon of the day preceding the vows; at this time the bride and groom are forbidden to see or communicate in any way with each other until the main wedding ritual, and they need to take a purificatory bath (''gælarīṇa''). The bride and groom are painted during the evening, and then they have to sleep in specially-made beds called ''mailañšeyai'' (plur. tantum), which according to tradition have to be uncomfortable. On the following morning, the bride's ritual braid is made. Typically, body paintings and the vestition processes are to be done by same-gendered people in or close to the family, with the only possible exceptions being the bride or groom's ''kaleyah'' and, if they do not have siblings of the same gender, the bride's eldest brother or the groom's eldest sister, as long as they are majors.

(TBA)

The crowning ritual is called ''šukilanah'' (lit. "declaration") and takes place at the beginning of the evening. Introduced by an Inquisitor celebrating the wedding, the bride and groom have to recite six vows<ref>The number and content of vows may vary regionally.</ref> in the form of question–answer. At the moment of the last vow, the bride and groom need to be facing in the direction either of the Blossoming Temple of Līlasuṃghāṇa or of Lake Vādhaṃšvāti.

After the wedding, it is customary for the newly-weds to visit those relatives that could not attend the ceremony, typically spending ten days travelling across the country to visit them, one per day, though the frequency varies depending on local customs. Traditionally, the couple used to go to live at the wife's house, if she was the youngest daughter of her family. Today, with housing being assigned by the state, it is no longer the case, though it is not uncommon that the wife's parents are counted as part of the household when determining the size of an apartment to be assigned to a married couple.

==Housing==

@@ Line 676: / Line 676: @@
 ** ''vīrādhmilkų meinā'' — adoptive mother
 ** ''vīrādhmilkų bunā'' — adoptive father
+===Chlouvānem weddings===
+Chlouvānem weddings (''talañšanai'', pl. tantum) are important moments of celebration for the involved families and mostly adhere to ancient traditions. Given the vast and pluricultural nature of the Chlouvānem Inquisition, nearly every area in it has a distinct tradition set, as do different ethnic groups. However, the traditions used in most of the Jade Coast and the eastern Plain are generally well-known all throughout the country and are also often used in the case of mixed-ethnic weddings. Some traditions of ancient times have been however cancelled by the society created through Yunyalīlti Communism from the Kaiṣamā period onwards.
+The Yunyalīlta does not, in its purest form (the teachings of the Chlamiṣvatrā), mandate wedding traditions, though customs and Yunyalīlti rituals have entered the Books of the Inquisition so that there still is a religious basis. The traditional Yunyalīlti-supported view, unchallenged before the introduction of Yunyalīlti Communism and the official broadening of the recognized gender spectrum, is that the strictly monogamous marriage (''lañšēmita'') creates a social structure responsible of child rearing – a more archaic wording uses "responsible of reproduction" instead. It is to be noted that this view establishes social, but not sexual, monogamy, and that historically, and still today, in most of the Chlouvānem world, sexual fidelity is not an emphasized value as long as infidelity does not interfere with the education of children.
+Traditionally, the man should propose to the woman, with her consent towards marriage started the organization of the ''maidombhanah'' (lit. "forward-bringing") ceremony, a series of two gatherings (first with the woman's family, then, if the family gave their consent, with the man's one) where the couple announced their intentions to marry. When both families gave consent, the woman's family had to pay a symbolic sum called ''lañšilgotoe'' (lit. "braid-buying") to the man's family, as a sort of compensation for privating the family of a worker, according to the ancient gender roles. While the ''lañšilgotoe'' is not paid anymore since the Kaiṣamā era, and it is no longer mandatory (but is still predominant) that the man proposes first, the ''maidombhanah'' tradition is still present and has spread to most cultures and ethnicities of the Inquisition. It is also still required for the families, after this ceremony, to check their lineages to assure there is no relationship between the couple, as Chlouvānem laws do not allow relatives closer than fifth cousins to marry. Another upheld tradition of ancient times is that usually it is the groom that, after the wedding, goes to live with the bride's family as long as the bride is the youngest daughter; while apartments are allocated by the State to newly-wed families, the State generally considers the youngest daughter and her husband as composing a single nucleus together with her parents<ref>As well as younger siblings which are still minors or have not completed secondary education.</ref> when allocating apartments, unless she personally asks for different housing.
+In ancient times, it was common (at least outside of small villages) that ''maidombhanah'' was the first time the bride and groom met each other's families, and that as the successful result of both ''maidombhanai'' it was the first time that the bride and groom's families met. Nowadays, as bride and groom typically know each other and live together for some time before agreeing to marry and starting the ''maidombhanah'' period, this is often no longer the case, but can still happen when for example one or both families live in different cities.<br/>
+The next step towards the wedding is then a ceremony called ''taktullunai'' (lit. "announcement tea"), a symbolic afternoon offering of tea to guests by the bride and groom, which acts as the first time that people outside the families or both partners' ''kaleyai'' (spiritual friends) know about the couple's marriage intentions. At ''taktullunai'', the bride and groom announce the wedding date.
+The next important ceremonies happen exactly six and three days before the wedding. Six days before it is the time of ''ħaiɂlañšidaranah'' (lit. "wife-making"), when the groom's family (but not the groom himself) brings to the bride's house and family the dress she will wear during the wedding ceremony and the ceremonial dyes she will be painted with. Three days before the wedding, the reverse ceremony, ''šulañšendaranah'' ("husband-making"), happens, this time with the dress and dyes being brought to the groom's house and family by the bride's family (but not the bride herself). Despite in modern times the couple already lives together by this point, this tradition is still followed in its entirety; in many cases, it is common for the bride and groom to live with their respective families during the lunar phase preceding the ceremony, while in other cases they simply don't show up at those ceremonies. However, it is still considered a taboo for the bride and groom to reveal each other their dresses and dyes before the ceremony, as well as to tell the other about ''ħaiɂlañšidaranah'' or ''šulañšendaranah''.
+The official start of the wedding ceremony is in the afternoon of the day preceding the vows; at this time the bride and groom are forbidden to see or communicate in any way with each other until the main wedding ritual, and they need to take a purificatory bath (''gælarīṇa''). The bride and groom are painted during the evening, and then they have to sleep in specially-made beds called ''mailañšeyai'' (plur. tantum), which according to tradition have to be uncomfortable. On the following morning, the bride's ritual braid is made. Typically, body paintings and the vestition processes are to be done by same-gendered people in or close to the family, with the only possible exceptions being the bride or groom's ''kaleyah'' and, if they do not have siblings of the same gender, the bride's eldest brother or the groom's eldest sister, as long as they are majors.
+(TBA)
+The crowning ritual is called ''šukilanah'' (lit. "declaration") and takes place at the beginning of the evening. Introduced by an Inquisitor celebrating the wedding, the bride and groom have to recite six vows<ref>The number and content of vows may vary regionally.</ref> in the form of question–answer. At the moment of the last vow, the bride and groom need to be facing in the direction either of the Blossoming Temple of Līlasuṃghāṇa or of Lake Vādhaṃšvāti.
+After the wedding, it is customary for the newly-weds to visit those relatives that could not attend the ceremony, typically spending ten days travelling across the country to visit them, one per day, though the frequency varies depending on local customs. Traditionally, the couple used to go to live at the wife's house, if she was the youngest daughter of her family. Today, with housing being assigned by the state, it is no longer the case, though it is not uncommon that the wife's parents are counted as part of the household when determining the size of an apartment to be assigned to a married couple.
 ==Housing==